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the working classes of France. principally took the form of the rebuilding of Paris and the restoration, or vulgarisation, of the mediaval cathedrals and public buildings, in which France is richer than any other country; so that this apotheosis of middle-class vulgarity has left abiding tokens of its presence in a loss that can never be repaired. Yet in spite of this militarism and the attempt to gain the support of the proletarians by gifts of "bread and pageants," discontent of various kind sprang up and steadily increased. Moreover, the new birth of Socialism was beginning to bear fruit; the Communistic propaganda got firm hold of the city proletariat of France. Socialism was steadily preached in Paris at La Villette and Belleville, the latter, originally laid out and built upon as an elegant suburb for rich bourgeois, having proved a failure, and become a purely workman's quarter in consequence.

While all this was going on as it were underground, the Cæsarism of the stock-exchange was also beginning to get the worst of it in the game of statecraft, until at last the results of the

consolidation of nationalities, which was the chief aim of the bourgeois revolt of 1848, became obvious in the revival of the old animosities between Germany and France. Bismarck, who had become the attorney-dictator of Germany, had got to know the weakness of the showy empire of Louis Napoleon, and had a well warranted confidence in that carefully elaborated machine, the Prussian army. He laid a trap for the French Cæsar, who fell into it, perhaps not blindly, but rather driven by a kind of gambler's last hope, akin to despair.

A great race war followed, the natural and inevitable outcome of which was the hopeless defeat of the French army, led as it was by self-seekers and corrupt scoundrels of the worst kind, most of whom lacked even that lowest form of honour which makes a Dugald Dalgetty faithful to the colours under which he marches. The Second Empire was swept away. The new Republic proclaimed after the collapse of Sedan still kept up a hopeless resistance to the unbroken strength of Germany-hopeless, since the corruption of the Empire still lived on in

the bourgeois republic, as typified in the person of the political gamester, Gambetta. Paris was invested, and taken after a long resistance that reflected infinite credit on the general population, who bore the misery of the siege with prodigious patience and courage, but no less disgrace on those who pretended to organise its defence, but who were really far more inclined to hand over the city to the Germans than allow it to gain a victory under the auspices of the proletariat.

All this must be looked upon by Socialists as merely the prelude to the great drama of the Commune, whose aims and influence will form the subject of another chapter.

CHAPTER XVI

THE PARIS COMMUNE OF 1871,

IN

AND

THE

CONTINENTAL

MOVEMENT FOLLOWING IT

N dealing with the great event of the Paris Commune, we must take for granted a knowledge of the facts, which are to be found in Lissagaray's work, now translated into English by Mrs. Aveling.

As we have stated before, the International was founded in 1864, under the leadership of Beesly, Marx, and Odger. In 1869, at the Congress of Basel, Marx drew it into the compass of Socialism; and though in England it still remained an indefinite labourbody, on the Continent it became at once decidedly Socialistic and revolu

tionary, and its influence was very considerable.

The progress of Socialism and the spreading feeling of the solidarity of labour was very clearly shown by the noble protest made by the German Socialists against the war with France, in the teeth of a "patriotic" feeling so strong in appearance that it might have been expected to silence any objectors from the first. The result of the war seemed to offer at least a chance for action to the rapidly increasing Socialist party, if they could manage to take advantage of it, and get into their hands the political power; accordingly under guidance of the International, the French Socialists determined to take action if an immediate opportunity offered. Neither did the opportunity fail. The final defeat of the French army at Sedan brought on the fall of the Empire, when Republican France might perhaps have made terms with the invaders, whom the men of the Empire had challenged. But a resistance was organised by Gambetta, at

1 They also protested, at the end of the war, against the annexation of Alsace and Lorraine.

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