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of western civilization as a whole. Progress as a rule goes on halting feet and with leaden step. And yet, if ever young men see visions," there may come in their hearts an enthusiasm for a newer civilization founded on justice and intelligence. Then these seemingly rash and wellnigh chimerical experiments in democracy may pass into history as the silver lining of the clouds that hid a brighter day for mankind.

65. Political evolution of the future. The following striking sentence suggests the most important political tendency of the present day :

As we can follow through the feudal epoch the development of the monarchical idea which was to destroy feudalism, and as we can follow across the monarchical epoch the development of the national idea which was to throw dynastic interests back into the second place, so we can follow across the history of the last two centuries the development of economic and industrial interests, the social idea, which is destined to overthrow the national.

IV. SUMMARY OF POLITICAL EVOLUTION

66. Aspects of the state. The following is a brief outline of the main phases of political evolution:

The various aspects assumed by the state in the course of its historical development may now be noted in review. In primitive times are to be traced the beginnings of the fundamental ideas involved in the theory of the modern state; the loosely organized horde represents the nation, and the power wielded by its natural leaders typifies the power of sovereignty in later times. The pastoral stage of the patriarchal period substituted the tribe for the horde, and gave greater definiteness to the organization of the community. The agricultural stage gave the clan or the village community, which slowly developed by conquest and alliance into loosely confederated empires. At the same time the influence of rapidly growing commerce gave birth to the city state, best known in the familiar Greek form, but found also in the medieval cities of Germany and Italy. In the East, in Greece under Alexander, and in Rome, as well as in later Europe, developed the idea of a world empire, the dream and the ambition of every great military leader of all times. This ideal was translated by Christianity into dreams of a spiritual empire in which all the nations of the world would pay allegiance to the Founder of the Faith, and, with the development of the Papacy, to his successor seated in St. Peter's chair at Rome.

The rise of commerce and the consequent differentiation of interests among the peoples of western Europe resulted in the formation of national states held firmly together by ties of common interests and nationality. Intercourse among these gave great impetus to the development of diplomacy, permanent embassies and international law, all designed to aid in the development of economic interests and the maintenance of peace. The discovery of America not only poured mineral wealth into the impoverished kingdoms of Europe, but ushered in the great era of colonization in which Spain, Portugal, Holland, France and Great Britain vied with one another in seeking out by exploration all of the unknown world that could be utilized for purposes of commerce and exploitation. A happy combination of circumstances developed in the United States of America the federation, an improved form of confederation, combining in one organization the advantages of autonomous commonwealths with the high centralization of an empire in matters of general policy. This form, so well adapted to the needs of great empires, is rapidly proving its utility as a form of government; indeed, the time may yet come when the smaller states will best secure their autonomy and nationality by uniting in federation with one another and with the larger leading states.

67. Contributions of nations to political civilization. The following broad summary indicates the lines along which the great historic states have contributed to the political ideas of the present:

After a survey of political evolution and differentiation, he would have a difficult task who should try to estimate with any completeness the relative contribution of the world's great historic states to political civilization. Yet it would be easy enough to see that in India, in Egypt, on the plains of China and of Mesopotamia and in the cities and harbors of Asia Minor, there developed great patriarchal and commercial empires which fixed the fundamental type of state for civilized man; and that, notwithstanding the rise and fall of dynasties and races, the petty states of early Europe inherited from the East and the South all that was really valuable of a decadent civilization.

In Phoenicia, the most modern of ancient Asiatic governments, and in Carthage its great colony, in Greece and in Rome, centered the contributions of preceding ages, as each, one after the other, assumed prominence and made its own offering to the common stock. From the first three came that emphasis on commerce and colonization, which makes a modern Englishman feel perfectly at home as he reads of the expansion policy of these nations; Athens, in addition, taught philosophers how to reason about the principles of government and to work toward higher

and better standards of political life. The genius of Rome lay by contrast in its emphasis on law and administration. By the aid of Greek philosophy it enlarged its customary law into a code that will stand for many future centuries, as the high-water mark of attainment in respect to civil rights. By its administrative and centralizing capacity it developed a system of political organization that finds its best expression to-day in the imperialistic hierarchy of the Roman Catholic church, and in the highly centralized governmental organization of France. From England in later centuries came an efficient judicial system, a successful colonial policy and a parliament working out through a joint cabinet an harmonious coöperation of governmental and civic interests. France, a true daughter of the Roman empire, as shown by its capacity in war, in law and in administration, came to the front in the eighteenth century, set fire to the dry tinder of European politics and intoxicated the political world with the inspiration derived from the "Marseillaise," the pursuit of glory, and the ideals of democracy contained in the motto, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. This influence spread through western and southern Europe, passed to the Latin colonies in South America, rivaling there the competing influences of Spain and the United States, and even affected in the latter country the policies of such democratic leaders as Jefferson and Monroe. Germany and Japan are adding their contributions to the world state in the form of applications of scientific principles to governmental functions and organization, thereby overcoming natural handicaps. The United States also is no mean factor in the modern political world. From it has come the federation, the written constitution, a humanitarianism cosmopolitan in its scope and a wide application of the principles of democracy. This development has been greatly aided by its freedom from military necessities, its system of general education and the inventive capacity of its people, devoted to the development of a large, wellwatered, fertile land rich in fuels and minerals. Through these the nation, with its composite racial population, is deeply impressing its governmental type on the political systems of the world, and has by no means yet reached the height of its powers. Add to all these the many experiments being made in odd corners of the earth, such as in Australasia, Finland, Scandinavia and Switzerland, and the conviction might readily grow that the state, in its governmental functioning and organization, is still plastic, is still adapting itself to newer conditions and by steady improvement is becoming unquestionably the great agency through which humanity will continue to accomplish its ends of social development.

CHAPTER VII

THEORIES OF THE STATE

I. POLITICAL THEORY

68. The value of political theory. In the preface to his discussion of the "Political Theories of the Ancient World," Willoughby indicates the importance of political theory as follows:

In the general field of philosophy political speculation has occupied an important place, attracting to its pursuit the greatest thinkers of all times. A study of the history of political theories thus not only brings one at once into touch with one of the most important subjects with which men's minds have been concerned since first was attempted the determination of the nature and end of human life, but, because of the special phenomena dealt with, renders possible, to a degree not to be attained through any other means, an insight into the logic and significance of political history. Political theories have ever been dependent upon, and have been evoked by, particular objective conditions. They therefore reflect the thoughts, and serve to interpret the actuating motives, at the root of important political movements. . . . Who, for instance, could hope to understand the Puritan movement, either in England or in our own country, without a knowledge of its political theories; or expect to appreciate the history of the middle and early modern ages without a comprehension of the various views regarding the relation between church and state promulgated by medieval writers? . . . Not only have political speculations been largely influenced by practical contemporaneous problems, but they have been, to an almost equal extent, though less directly, controlled by what has been called the "intellectual climate" of their times. . . . Beliefs which at one time have had almost universal currency are at another declared absurd, the reason for the change being, not so much that specific evidence or exact logic has overthrown the old ideas, as that the intellectual trend of the later time has been toward a skepticism as regards the particular class of facts involved. Witchcraft, for example, is now relegated by all enlightened minds to the limbo of superstition and fraud; yet, as Lecky says for more than fifteen hundred years it was universally believed that the Bible established, in the clearest manner, the

reality of the crime, and that an amount of evidence, so varied and so ample as to preclude the very possibility of doubt, attested its continuance and its prevalence...

Exactly the same phenomenon is to be observed in tracing the development of political theories. Dominant political systems lose support and are supplanted by others as the chief thought of the times changes from matters military to matters industrial, or from belief in the beneficence of authority to confidence in the inherent goodness of freedom. . . . Doctrines of papal supremacy, of religious persecution, and of natural rights have each had their summer of prosperity, only to be blasted as the general intellectual climate has assumed toward them a wintry aspect.

Finally, the history of political theories has the same value that the history of any subject possesses; namely, as a means of more fully understanding the conceptions and problems dealt with than is otherwise possible..

However abstract in form, political speculations are almost necessarily the outcome of existing objective political conditions, and have for their aim the solution of those problems that at the time seem most needful of determination. . . . Conversely, though not in equal degree, political theories have often been influential in bringing about in actual life political developments in conformity with the principles which they have stated.

II. ANCIENT POLITICAL THEORY

69. Political ideas of the Hebrews. The following extracts from the Old Testament, dealing with the nature of the monarchy, the judiciary, and the law, show the theocratic nature of the Hebrew commonwealth:

4. Then all the elders of Israel gathered themselves together, and came to Samuel unto Ramaḥ,

5. And said unto him, Behold, thou art old, and thy sons walk not in thy ways: now make us a king to judge us like all the nations.

6. But the thing displeased Samuel, when they said, Give us a king to judge us. And Samuel prayed unto the Lord.

24. And Samuel said to all the people, See ye him whom the Lord hath chosen, that there is none like him among all the people? And all the people shouted, and said, God save the king. . . .

8. If there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment, between blood and blood, between plea and plea, and between stroke and stroke, being matters of controversy within thy gates: then shalt thou arise, and get thee up into the place which the Lord thy God shall choose;

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