L. C. J. Mr. Attorney, pray keep to that question close. Att. Gen: I have two short questions to ask him: the first is, what he hath seen or heard touching any commission to Mr. Coleman, what say you? delivered them to him, and he did carry them to La Chaise, and heard them talk about this Plot: that La Chaise wrote a letter to you (particularly by name) inciosed in a letter to Har court; that answer he brought back. Recorder. Do you know any thing concernMr. Bedlow. In particular I know not of ing any money Mr. Coleman said he had reany commission directed to Mr. Coleman, Iceived? the sums, and for what? do not know any thing of it but what sir Henry Tichbourn told me, that he had a commission, and he brought a commission for Mr. Coleman and the rest of the lords, from the principal Jesuits at Rome, by order of the pope. Att. Gen. A commission for what? Bedlow. To be principal secretary of state : the title of it I do not know because I did not see it, but to be principal secretary of state, that was the effect. Att. Gen. I desire to know what discourse you had with Mr. Coleman about that design. Bedlow. If your lordship please, I shall be short in the narrative. L. C. J. Make use of your notes to help your memory, but let not your testimony be merely to read them. Bedlow. I carried over to M. La Chaise (the French king's confessor) a large pacquet of letters, April 1675, from Mr. Coleman, which letters I saw Mr. Coleman deliver to Father Harcourt, at his house in Duke-Street. Council. And Harcourt gave them to you? Bedlow. Yes; which letters were directed to be delivered to M. La Chaise, and I did carry them to La Chaise, and brought him an answer from La Chaise, and other English monks at Paris: I did not understand what was in it, because it was a language I do not well understand; it was about carrying on the Plot; at a consultation there were present two French abbots and several English monks at Paris; what I heard them say, was about carrying on the Plot to subvert the government of England, to destroy the king and the lords of the council. The king was principally to be destroyed, and the government subverted as well as the Protestant religion. Court. When was this? when you were to receive the answer? Bedlow. It was upon the consultation: there was a pacquet of letters from Mr. Coleman, they did not know I understood French, or if they did, they had tried me so long I believe they would have trusted me. L. C. J. The letter that La Chaise wrote, to whom was it directed? Bedlow. It was directed to Mr. Coleman, the pacquet was directed to Harcourt, and within that La Chaise wrote an answer and directed it to Mr. Coleman, particularly to Mr. Coleman. L. C. J. How do you know? Bedlow. The Superscription was this [in French, A M. Coleman]. To Mr. Coleman; with other letters directed to Father Harcourt. L. C. J. He saith plainly the letter was yours. You gave Harcourt a pacquet of letters to be delivered to La Chaise, Harcourt Bedlow. It was to carry on the design to subvert the government of England, to free England from damnation and ignorance, and free all Catholics from hard tyranny and op pression of Heretics. Att. Gen. What words did you hear Mr. Coleman express, what he would do for the Catholic cause? Bedlow. May 24, or 25, 1677, I was at Mr. Coleman's with Mr. Harcourt, and received another pacquet from Mr. Harcourt, and he had it from Mr. Coleman. L. C. J. You say, Mr. Coleman did give this pacquet to Harcourt? Bedlow. Yes, and Harcourt delivered it to me to carry it to Paris to the English monks. I was to go by Doway to see if they were not gone to Paris before me. L. C. J. And what did they say when you delivered the letters to the English monks? Bedlow. They told me how much reward I deserved from the pope and the church, both here and in the world to come. I overtook three, and that night I went to Paris with them; and upon the consultation, 1677, I be lieve they sent the bishop of Tornes the substance of those letters; and not having a final Answer what assistance the Catholic party in England might expect from them, they were resolved to neglect their design no longer than that summer, having all things ready to begin in England. Recorder. What did you hear Mr. Coleman say? Bedlow. That he would adventure any thing to bring in the Popish religion : after the consultation, I delivered the letters to La Faire, and be brought them to Harcourt, he delivered the pacquet of letters to Harcourt, who was not well, but yet went and delivered them to Mr. Coleman, and I went as far as Mr. Coleman's house, but did not go in, but stayed over the way; but Harcourt went in, and after he had spoke with Mr. Coleman, he gave me a beck to come to him; and I heard Mr. Coleman say, If he had a hundred lives, and a sea of blood to carry on the cause, he would spend it ali to further the cause of the Church of dome and to establish the Church of Rome in Eng land: and if there was an hundred Heretical kings to be deposed, he would see them all de stroyed. L. C. J. Where was this? Bedlow. Behind Westminster Abbey. Bealow. At the foot of the stair-case, L. C. J. Where were you then? Bedlow. There, I was called in by Harcourt, and was as near to him as to my lord Duras. [My lord being heard by Mr. Bedlow in court.] Pris. Did I ever see you in my life? Below. You may ask that question; but in the stone gallery in Somerset-House, when you came from a consult, where were great persuns, which I am not to name here; that would make the bottom of your Plot tremble: you saw me then. Att. Gen. We did before acquaint you with something of the substance of the letters; we shall now acquaint you with something of the ner of finding them. Your lordship hath beard, Mr. Oates hath been examined before the council, and there it was said, Mr. Coleman's papers would make such a discovery (if they were looked into) as would be enough to hang him. I remember he said the Lords of the Council were pleased to order the papers to be seized; the execution of their warrant they committed to one Bradly, who was a messenger that attended the king and council; and I desire he may be called: he did find and seize as many papers as Mr. Coleman was pleased to leave, and they are those papers which we now bring before you. The papers seized he had put in a deal box, and four or fire several bags, and brings them to the council; the clerks of the council are here attending the Court: they will tell you these papers now produced were papers found in those bags: Mr. Bradly will tell you, the papers seized in the bags and box were brought to them, and they will swear they were the papers and bags that were brought. Record. Mr. Bradly, give my lord and the jury an account whether you went to Mr. Coleman, whether you seized his papers, and papers you saw, and how you disposed of them after they were seized. what Bradly. The 29th of September being Sunday evening at six of the clock, I received a warrant from the council-board to apprehend Mr. Coleman, and to seize his papers, and to bring them to the council-board: He being not at home, I spoke with his wife, and told her I came to search her house, I had a warrant so to do. She told me I was welcome; I desired her to send for her husband: I found in several parts of the house a great many papers; I put them up in several bags: I found some in a private corner in a deal box. L. C. J. What kind of corner? Bradly. In Mr. Coleman's chamber, not in his own study, but in another place behind the chimney; the box was tacked together with a nail: I lifted it up, and saw they were letters, I put it down again as it was, and gave it into the custody of one that was with me, to look into it; Then I came to his own study, where his scrutore was, and put up all I could find in several bags, and sealed them, and brought them to the council-chamber. Att. Gen. Did you put up any other papers among them than what you found at Mr. Coleman's house? VOL. VII. Bradly. I did not, (upon my oath) I had. then all at Mr. Coleman's house. Att. Gen. Did you bring them all to the clerks of the council? Bradly. Yes. Before I came out I tied them all up, and sealed them with my own seal, and was constantly with them. Att. Gen. Now we will give your lordship an account how these things were received, that were there found. Sir Robert Southwell, look upon the large letter, and tell my lord and the jury whether that were among the papers brought by this messenger. Sir R. Southwell. My lord, I did not see this letter in several days after the papers brought me from Bradly; when he came in with three great bags, and a box of letters on Sunday night, said I, which are Mr. Coleman's principal papers? Said he, those that are in the large speckled cloth bag; for these we took first in the scrutore: These I took, and meddled not with the other. I presume other clerks of the council can give a particular account where this paper was found. Att. Gen. Sir Thomas Dolman, look upon the letter, whether you can remeinber any thing of it. Sir T. Dolman. I remember I found it in a deal box among Mr. Coleman's papers, those that Bradly brought. Court. That is plain enough. Att. Gen. That we may not often prove what we shall often make use of, I would prove it fully once for all, that all these papers were of his hand-writing; this we can prove by two sorts of evidences; his own confession, and the witness of two persons; one that was his servant: and the other a sub-secretary, that did write very many things for him. Mr. Boatman, look upon these papers; Tell my lord and the jury whose hand it is; Are you acquainted with Mr. Coleman's hand? What relation had you to him? Boatman. I was his gentleman that waited on him in his chamber five years: This is very like his hand. L. C. J. Do you believe it is his hand? Boatman. I believe it is. L. C. J. Little proof will serve the turn, because they were taken in his possession. Att. Gen. I desire to prove it fully; look upon all the papers, turn all the leaves, see if they be not all one hand, and whether you believe all to be Mr. Coleman's hand-writing or not? Boatman. I believe it to be all his hand. L. C. J. Do you know when the last pacquet of letters came up, that were sent to Mr. Coleman, from beyond the seas? Boatman. Two or three days after he was taken prisoner. L. C. J. Do you know where they are bestowed? Did you receive M. la Chaise's letters for Mr. Coleman? Att. Gen. Inform the court whether he kept any book to make entry of letters be sent or received? Boatman. Yes, there was a large book my master did enter his letters in, and bis news. Att. Gen. What is become of that book? Boatman. I know not. deserve it, yet to shew at least the sense I have of it, I will deal as freely and openly with you this first time, as if I had had the honour of your acquaintance all my life; and shall make no apology for so doing, but only tell you that I know your character perfectly well, though I am not so happy as to know your per Att. Gen. When did you see that book son; and that I have an opportunity of putting last, upon your oath? Boatman. On Saturday. Att. Gen. How long before he was sent to prison? Boatman. Two days, because the next day was Sunday, when he did not make use of it: On Monday my master was in prison, and I did not mind the book. L. C. J. Were there any entries of letters in that book within two years last past? Boatman. I cannot be positive. Alt. Gen. Did he not usually write and receive letters from beyond sea? Till that time had he not negociation as usually? Boatman. He had usually news every post from beyond the seas. Pris. There is letters from the Hague, Brussels, France and Rome; they are all with the council, which were all the letters I received. this letter into the hands of Father St. German's nephew (for whose integrity and prudence he has undertaken) without any sort of hazard. "In order then, sir, to the plainness I profess, I will tell you what has formerly passed between your reverence's predecessor, Father Ferrier, and myself. About three years ago, when the king my master sent a troop of horseguards into his most Christian majesty's service, under the command of my lord Durass, he sent with it an officer called sir William Throckmorton, with whom I had a particular intimacy, and who had then very newly embraced the Catholic religion: to him did I constantly write, and by him address myself to Father Ferrier. The first thing of great importance I presumed to offer him (not to trouble you with lesser matters, or what passed here before, and immediately after the fatal revocation of the king's declaration for liberty of conscience, to which we owe all our miseries and hazards,) was in July, August, and September 1673, when I constantly inculcated the Att. Gen. We have another witness: Cattaway, are you acquainted with Mr. Coleman's hand writing? Do you believe it to be his hand writing? Witness. I believe it is, they are his hand-great danger Catholic religion and his most writing. Att. Gen. It will appear, if there were no no other proof in this cause, his own papers are as good as an hundred witnesses to condemn him: Therefore I desire to prove them fully by his own confession. Sir Phil. Lloyd, a witness. These are the papers I received from sir Thomas Dolman; I found them (as he saith) in a deal box; Among his papers I found this letter. Mr. Coleman hath owned this was his hand-writing; it is all one letter. Christian majesty's interest would be in a tour next sessions of parliament, which was then to be in October following; at which I plainly foresaw that the king my master would be forced to something in prejudice to his alliance with France, which I saw so evidently and particularly that we should make peace with Holland; that I urged all the arguments I could, which to me were demonstrations, to convince your court of that mischief; and pressed all I could to persuade his most Christian majesty to use his utmost endeavour to prevent that session of our parliament, and proposed expedients how to do it: but I was answered so often and so positively, that his most Christian majesty was so well assured by his ambassador Mr. Astrey, Clerk of the Crown, reads the here, our ambassador there, the lord Arlington, letter. and even the king himself; that he had no such The 29th of September (1675.) It is sub-apprehensions at all, but was fully satisfied of scribed thus; "Your most humble and most obedient Servant," but no name. Att. Gen. It is all the same hand, and he acknowledged it to be his. Mr. Recorder. I desire Mr. Astrey may read it so that the Jury may hear it. Mr. COLEMAN'S Long Letter. "Since Father St. German has been so kind to me, as to recommend me to your reverence so advantageously, as to encourage you to accept of my correspondency; I will own to him that he has done me a favour without consulting me, greater than I could have been capable of if he had advised with me; because I could not then have had the confidence to have permitted him to ask it on my behalf. And I am so sensible of the honour you are pleased to do me, that though I cannot the contrary, and looked upon what I offered as a very zealous mistake, that I was forced to give over arguing, though not believing as I did; but confidently appealed to time and success to prove who took their measures rightest. When it happened what I foresaw came to pass, the good Father was a little surprized, to see all the great men mistaken, and a little one in the right; and was pleased by sir William Throckmorton to desire the continuance of my correspondence, which I was mighty willing to comply with, knowing the interest of our king, and in a more particular manner of my more immediate master the duke, and his most Christian majesty, to be so inseparably united, .1 44 it very possible for him to succeed, with the assistance we should be able to give him here; and that if this parliament were dissolved, there would be no great difficulty of getting a new one, which would be more useful: the constitutions of our parliaments being such, that a new one can never hurt the crown, nor an old "His royal highness being pleased to own these propositions, which were but only general, I thought it reasonable to be more particular, and come closer to the point, that we might go the faster about the work, and come to some resolution before the time was too far spent. that it was impossible to divide them, without destroying them all: upon this I shewed that our parliament in the circumstances it was managed, by the timorous counsels of our mimisters, who then governed, would never be useful either to England, France, or Catholic religion, but that we should as certainly be forced from our neutrality at their next meet-one do it good. ing, as we had been from our active alliance with France the last year: that a peace in the orcumstances we were in, was much more to be desired than the continuance of the war; and that the dissolution of our parliament would certainly procure a peace; for that the confederates did more depend upon the power they bad in our parliament, than upon any "I laid this for my maxim: the dissolution thing else in the world; and were more en- of our parliament will certainly procure a peace; couraged from them to the continuing of the which proposition was granted by every body I war; so that if they were dissolved, their mea- conversed withal, even by M. Rouvigny himsures would be all broken, 'and they conse- self, with whom I took liberty of discoursing so quently in a manner necessitated to a peace. far, but durst not say any thing of the intelli"The good father minding this discourse some-gence I had with father Ferrier. Next; that what more than the court of France thought fit to do my former, urged it so home to the king, that his majesty was pleased to give him orders to signify to his royal highness my master, that his majesty was fully satisfied of his royal highness's good intention towards him, and that be esteemed both their interests but as one and the same; that my lord Arlington and the parliament were both to be looked upon as very unuseful to their interest: That if his royal highness would endeavour to dissolve this parliament, his most christian majesty would assist him with his power and purse, to have a new one as should be for their purpose. This, and a great many more expressions of kindness and confidence, Father Ferrier was pleased to communicate to sir William Throckmorton, and commanded him to send them to his royal highness, and withal to beg his royal highness to propose to his most christian majesty, what he thought necessary for his own concern, and the advantage of religion, and his tuajesty would certainly do all he could to advance both or either of them. This sir William Throckmorton sent to me by an express, who left Paris the 2d of June 1674, Stilo novo: I no sooner had it, but I communicated it to his R. H. To which his R. H. commanded me to answer, as I did on the 29th of the same month: That bis R. H. was very sensibie of his most christian majesty's friendship, and that he would labour to cultivate it with all the good offices he was capable of doing for his majesty; that he was fully convinced that their interests were both one, that my lord Arlington and the parliament were not only unuseful, but very dangerous both to England and France: that therefore it was necessary that they should do all they could to dissolve it. And that his royal highness's opinion was, that if his most christian majesty would write his thoughts freely to the ting of England upon this subject and make the same proffer to his majesty of his purse to dissolve this parliament, which he had made to bis royal highness to call another, he did believe a sum of money certain, would certainly procure a dissolution; this some doubted, but I am sure I never did.; for I knew perfectly well that the king had frequent disputes with himself at that time, whether he should dissolve or continue them; and he several times declared that the arguments were so strong on both sides, that he could not tell to which to incline, but was carried at last to the continuance of them by this one argument; if I try them once more, they may possibly give me money; if they do I have gained my point, if they do not, I can dissolve them then, and be where I am now: so that I have a possibility at least of getting money for their continuance, against nothing on the other side: but if we could have turned this argument, and said; Sir, their dissolution will certainly procure you money, when you have only a bare possibility of getting any by their continuance, and have shewn how far that bare possibility was from being a foundation to build any reasonable hope upon, which I am sure his majesty was sensible of: and how much 300,000l. sterling certain (which was the sum we proposed) was better than a bare possibility (without any reason to hope that that could ever be compassed) of having half so much more (which was the most he designed to ask,) upon some vile dishonourable terms, and a thousand other hazards, which he had great reason to be afraid of: if, I say, we had power to have argued this, I am most confidently assured we could have compassed it, for Logic in our court built upon money, has more powerful charms than any other sort of reasoning. But to secure his most christian majesty from any hazard as to that point, I proposed his majesty should offer that sum upon that condition; and if the condition were not performed, the money should never be due; if it were and that a peace would certainly follow thereupon, (which nobody doubted) his majesty would gain his ends and save all the vast expences of the next campaign, by which he could not hope to better his condition, or put himself into more advantageous circumstances of Treaty than he was then in; but might very probably be in a much worse, considering the mighty opposition he was like to meet with, and the uncertain chances of war. But admitting that his majesty could by his great strength and conduct maintain himself in as good a condition to treat the next year as he was then in; (which was as much as could then reasonably be hoped for) he should have saved by this proposal as much as all the men he must needs lose, and all the charges he should be at in a year, would be valued to amount to more than 300 000l. sterling, and so much more in case his condition should decay, as it should be worse than it was when this was made; and the condition of his royal highness and of the Catholic religion here (which depends very much upon the success of his most christian majesty.) delivered from a great many frights and real hazards. F. Ferrier seemed to be very sensible of the benefit all parties would gain by this proposal; but yet it was unfortunately delayed by an unhappy and tedious fit of sickness, which kept him so long from the king in the Franche Compte, and made him so unable to wait on his majesty after he did return to Paris; but so soon as he could compass it, he was pleased to acquaint his majesty with it, and wrote to the Duke himself; and did me the honour to write unto me also on the 15th of September 1674, and sent his letter by sir William Throckmorton, who came upon express that errand: in these letters he gave his royal highness fresh assurance of his most christian majesty's friendship, and of his zeal and readiness to comply with every thing his royal highness had, or should think fit to propose in favour of religion, or the business of money and that he had commanded M. Rouvigny as to the latter, to treat and deal with his royal highness and to receive and observe his orders and directions; but desired that he might not at all be concerned as to the former, but that his royal highness would cause what proposition he should think fit to be made about religion, to be offered either to Father Ferrier, or M. Pompone. "These letters came to us about the middle of September, and his royal highness expected daily when M. Rouvigny should speak to him about the subject of that letter; but he took no notice at all of any thing till the 29th of September, the evening before the king and duke went to Newmarket for a fortnight, and then only said, that he had commands from his master to give his royal highness the most firm assurance of his friendship imaginable, or something to that purpose, making his royal highness a general compliment, but made no mention of any particular orders relating to Father Ferrier's letter. The duke wondering at this proceeding, and being obliged to stay a good part of October at Newmarket; and soon after his coming back, hearing of the death of Father Ferrier, he gave over all further prosecuting of the former project. But I believe saw M. Rouvigny's policy all along, who was willing to save his master's money, upon assurance that we would do all we could to stave off the parliament for our own sakes, that we would struggle as hard without money as with it; and we having by that time, upon our own interest, prevailed to get the parliament prorogued to the 13th of April, he thought that prorogation being to a day so high in the spring, would put the confederates so far be yond their measures, as that it might procured peace, and be as useful to France as a disso lution: upan these reasons I suppose he went. I had several discourses with him; and did open myself fo far to him as to say, I could wish his master would give us leave to offer to our master 300,000l. for the dissolution of the parliament; and shewed him that a peace would most certainly follow a dissolution (which he agreed with me in,) and that we de sircd not the money from his master to excite our wills, or to make us more industrious te use our utmost powers to procure a dissolution but to strenghten our power and credit with the king, and to render us more capable t succeed with his majesty, as most cert inly we should have done, had we been fortified with such an argument. "To this purpose I pressed M. Pompone frequently by sir William Throckmorton, whe returned hence again into France on the 10t of November, the day our parliament shoul have met, but was prorogued. M. Pompon (as I was informed by sir William) did seem to approve the thing; but yet had two objection: against it: First, that the sum we proposed was great; and could be very ill spared in the circumstances his most Christian majesty was in. To which we answered, that if by his expending that sum, he could procure a dissolu tion of our parliament, and thereby a peace which every body agreeed would necessarily follow; his most Christian majesty would gair his ends, and save five or ten times a greater sum, and so be a good husband by his expence and if we did not procure a dissolution, be should not be at that expence at all; for that we desired him only to promise upon that condition, which we were content to be ob liged to perform first. The second Objection was, The duke did not move, nor appear in it himself. To that we answered, That he did not indeed to M. Pompone, because he had found so ill an effect of the negociation with Father Ferrier, when it came into M. Rouvigny's hands; but that he had concerned himself in it to Father Ferrier. "Yet I continued to prosecute and press the dissolution of the parliament, detesting al prorogations as only so much loss of time, and a means of strengthening all those who depend upon it in opposition to the crown, the interes of France and Catholic religion, in the opinion they had taken. That our king durst not par with his parliament; apprehending that ano ther would be much worse. Secondly, Tha he could not live long without a parliament therefore they must suddenly meet; and the |