Pris. I have witnesses to prove I was in Warwickshire. L.C. J. (to Boatman a witness). Where was Boatman. All August, to my best remembrance. LC. J. Can you say that he was in Warwickshire all August? that he was not at London? Botman. I am not certain what time the month be was in London. of LC. J. That he was there in August, may be very true; I do not ask how long he was in Warwickshire, but was he no where else? (To which the witness could make no positive answer.) Pris. I was at lord Denby's, and at Mr. LC.J. If you have a mind to say any thing more, say what you can. Pris. I can say nothing more than what I have said. Positively I say, and upon my salvation, I never saw these witnesses, Oates but ence, and Bedlow never before. Mr. Solicitor General, (Sir Francis ́ Winnington): May it please your Lordship, and 'you Gentlemen of the Jury; The cause before you (I dare adventure to say) is a cause of as great a nature, and includes as great crimes, as ever came to this bar. | St. James's Park. Grove was to have 1,500/ in money, and Pickering (being a priest) was to have 30,000 masses, which was computed to be of equal value to 1,500l. according to the usual price in the church of Rome. And this conspiracy and contrivance Mr. Coleman was privy to, and did well approve of the same, as Mr. Oates affirmeth upon his oath. So that here is a plain treason proved upon the prisoner, by his assenting to the fact to be done, the law not allowing any accessaries in treason. And this in law makes the prisoner as guilty as any of the assassinates, who designed to kill the king with their own hands. If this design should fail, Mr. Oates swears, that the conspirators intended a further attempt upon the royal person of the king, when he should be at Windsor; and four Irish assassinates were provided by Dr. Fogarthy, whose naines he would not tell, and fourscore guineas were provided by Father Harcourt, a Jesuit, to maintain the assassinates at Windsor, till they should have effected their wicked design. While the conspiracy was thus in agitation, Mr. Coleman, the prisoner, went to visit Harcourt the Jesuit at his house in town; but finding him not at home, and being informed that he was at Wild-House, Mr. Coleman went thither and found him there; and Mr. Coleman asking what provision Harcourt had made for the gentlemen at Windsor; Harcourt replied, that there were fourscore guineas, which then lay upon the table, which were to be sent to them; and said, that the person who was in the room was to carry them; to which Mr. Coleman replied, he liked it very well; and gave a guinea out of his own pocket to the messenger who was to carry the money to Windsor, to encourage him to expedite the business. But in case the design of killing his majesty at Windsor should be any ways prevented, then there was a further conspiracy to destroy the king by poison. Mr. Oates swears, that in July last, Ashby (a Jesuit) brought inThe first crime laid in the indictment, is the structions to London from Flanders, that in design of killing and destroying the royal per- case Pickering and Grove could not kill the on of his majesty. The second, the subvert-king at London, nor the four Irish assassinates ing of the government, and in doing that, the destruction of the protestant religion. It is not a cause of a particular treason, but it is a treason that runs to the whole; the king, the government, and the Protestant religion, all are comprehended in it. The defence the prisoner has made is so very short and of so slight a nature, that I shall conact myself very much in what I had to say, and only state to the Court, and Jury, the principal things I rely upon. And these treasons have been punctually proved, as well by two witnesses, as by letters ander Mr. Coleman's own hand, whereby he corresponded with M. La Chaise, the French king's confessor, as also by the answers which were sent by M. La Chaise to Mr. Coleman. As to the proofs made by the witnesses, the substance of them is this: Mr. Oates swears, that in April last O. S., and May N. S., there a general consult or meeting of the Jesuits, the White-Horse tavern in the Strand; and afterwards they divided themselves into several companies, or clubs; and in those consults they conspired the death of the king; and contrived how to effect it. The manner of it was thus (as Mr. Oates positively swears): That Grore and Pickering were employed to murder the king; and their design was to pistol him in at Windsor, that 10,000l. was to be proposed to sir George Wakeman to poison the king. But it did appear by the letters that passed between White the provincial (here in London) and Ashby, that Mr. Coleman said, he thought 10,000l. was too little; and therefore thought it necessary to offer 5,000l. more, which afterwards was assented to by the Jesuits abroad. And Mr. Oates swears, he saw letters from the provincial at London to the Jesuits at St. Omers, signifying, that sir George Wakeman had accepted of the proposition, and received 5,000l. of the money. By which testimony of Mr. Oates, it plainly appears, that Mr. Coleman, the prisoner at the bar, was privy to the conspiracy, and aiding and abetting to the wicked and damnable design of murdering the king. The second Witness is Mr. Bedlow, who swears that he was employed by Harcourt, the Jesuit, to carry pacquets of letters to M. La Chaise, the French king's confessor; and further says, he was at a consult in France, where the Plot was discoursed on for killing the king; and did bring back an answer from La Chaise to Harcourt in London; and swears particudarly, that on the 24th or 25th of May, 1677, he was at Coleman's house with Father Harcourt and some other persons, where Mr. Coleman, discoursing of the great design in hand, said these words following: "That if he had a sea of blood, and an hundred lives, he would 'lose them all to carry on the design; and if to effect this it were necessary to destroy an bundred heretic kings he would do it." So that here is another positive oath to an act of treason committed by Mr. Coleman, in relation to the murdering the king. many other things, Coleman expresses himse "We have a mighty work upon our hands, less than the conversion of three kingdoms, an the utter subduing of a pestilent heresy, whic hath for some time domineered over th Northern part of the world; and we never ha so great hopes of it since our queen Mary days." And in the conclusion of the letter implores M. La Chaise to get all the aid a assistance he can from France, and that ne to God Almighty they did rely upon the migh mind of his most Christian majesty, and ther fore did hope La Chaise would procure mon and assistance from him. Now, any man that considers the conten of these Letters, must needs agree that t latter part of the Indictment, to wit, the tre son of endeavouring the subverting the gover The other part of the Evidence consists of ment and the Protestant religion, is fully prove Papers and Letters, which generally relate to upon Mr. Coleman, the prisoner at the ba prove the latter part of the Indictment, to wit, and that these letters were written by him, ar The extirpation of the protestant religion, and the answers received, he does not deny. B introducing of Popery, and the subverting of all he has to say for himself, is, that it was the government. And this appears by a Let- make the king of England great; whereas t ter written by Mr. Coleman, dated 29 Sept. contrary is most manifest, because the Jesui 1675, and sent to M. La Chaise, the French who love force and tyranny, always adhere king's confessor; wherein he gives him an ac- those princes that are greatest in strength a count of the transactions of several years be- powe:. For it appears in history, that whe fore, and of the correspondence between Mr. the house of Austria were in their greatnes Coleman and M. Ferrier predecessor of La and like to arrive to the universal monarc Chaise; wherein he does also assert, that the in these parts of the world, the Jesuits all a true way to carry on the interest of France hered to that house: but since the French ki and the promoting of the Popish religion here hath grown more mighty in power and grea in England, was to get this parliament dissolv-ness, they declined the interest of the Austria ed; which (says he) had been long since effected, if 300,000l. could have been obtained from the French king; and that things yet were in such a posture, that if he had but 20,000l. sent him from France, he would be content to be a sacrifice to the utmost malice of his enemies, if the Protestant religion did not receive such a blow as it could not subsist. And the receipt of this Letter was acknowledged by M. La Chaise, in an Answer which he wrote to Mr. Coleman, dated from Paris October 23, 1675, in which he gives him thanks for his good service, in order to the promoting the Popish re-bered, which have not been denied by the p Jigion. Several other letters have been produced and read, which were written by Mr. Coleinan to M. Ferrier and others, and more particularly one letter dated August 21, 1674, written by Mr. Coleman to the pope's internuncio at Brussels; wherein he says, the Design prospered so well, that he doubted not but in a little time the business would be managed, to the utter ruin of the Protestant party. And by other letters he writes to the French king's confessor, that the assistance of his most Christian majesty is necessary, and desires money from the French king to carry on the design. But there is one letter without date, more bloody than all the rest, which was written to M. La Chaise in some short time after the -long letter of Sept. 29, 1675, wherein among family, and do now promote the counsels France, thinking that now that king will b come the universal monarch. I shall therefore now conclude the Evidenc only observing to the jury, that the sever treasons in the indictment are fully prove The first, as to the destruction of the roy person of the king, by two witnesses, M Oates and Mr. Bedlow; the other part of viz. the subversion of the government, and e tirpation of the Protestant religion, by the s veral letters which have been before remen soner to be his. Therefore I hope, gentl men, that when you meet with offenders the are guilty of such stupendous crimes, you wi do justice upon them, which will be great com fort and satisfaction to the king and all b good Protestant subjects. Serj. Pemberton, Gentlemen, you hear th crime is of the highest nature, it is the subve sion of three kingdoms, and the subdoing of the religion which he defames by the name 'Pestilent Heresy.' It concerns us all to loo about us, and all the kingdom, when the shall be a design managed in this manner, destroy our king, and to take away our rel gion, and to enslave us all to the pope, an make us all truckle to the priests. It is wonderful it is capable (at this day) so great evidence, there is Digitus Dei in i or else it would be impossible such a thi should be made so manifest: all the rest the is said in the Indictment are but circumstances the case it would do you little good. Observe that declare it: there is a strong evidence of what I say to the jury. many matters of fact in this design, which deciare the intention hatched in his breast for Bany years together: here hath been a design to kill the king, and he doth not only consent to it, but commend it; what can be said to his giving the money to him that was to pay the karscore pieces of gold to those ruffians sent to Windsor? and adding 5,000l. to the 10,000/. for the doctor that was to poison the king? He denies all. No question but a man that hath had a heart to design such contrivances, will have the face to deny it publicly: it is a thing to be acted in the dark. But there is both Mr. Outes and Mr. Bedlow plainly prove it upon bim, that he consented to the acting the king's death. What is the sense of his letters, but to shew his design, and to beg the assistance of France to them in their necessities? The whole current is to destroy our religion, I think you, gentlemen of the jury, have had such evidence as will satisfy any man. Prisoner. I deny all Mr. Oates's testimony, for his saying to the council he did not know te because he could not see me, when I was as Bear as the next gentleman but one, but knew me when I spake, and I spoke to almost all the matters asked. He accuseth me of a thing in August, but names not the day: now if there be one error in his testimony, it weakens all the rest. I went out of town on the 10th of August, it was the latter end I came home, about the middle of Bartholomew fair, the las: day of August. 1C.J. Have you any witness to prove that? Pris. I cannot say I have a witness. L. C.J. Then you say nothing. Pris. People cannot speak to a day, to a thing they neither imagined or thought of. L. C. J. I ask your servant, do you know when Mr. Coleman went out of town? Coleman's Sero. In August; I cannot say particularly the day. L. C. J. Do you know when he came home? Serv. I cannot remember. Just. Wyld. Where was you the last Bartholomew-day? Sero, I was in town. Just. Wyld. Where was your master ? Serv. I do not remember. LC. J. You say you went out of town the 10th, and came home the last of August; you say it is impossible that he should say right, but yet you do not prove it. Pris. Thave no more to say but I entered down all my expences every day in a book, which book will shew where I was. L. C. J. Where is your book? Pris. At my lodgings in Vere-Street by Covent Garden; in a trunk that came by the carrier, that will shew when they were sent. LC. J. If the cause did turn upon that matter, I would be well content to sit until the book was brought; but I doubt the cause will not stand upon that foot; but if that were VOL. VII. My Lord Chief Justice his Speech to the Jury upon his summing up of the Evidence. Gentlemen of the jury; my care at this time shall be to contract this very long evidence, and to bring it within a short compass, that you may have nothing before you to consider of, as near as I can, but what is really material to the acquitting or condemning of Mr. Cole man. The things he is accused of are two sorts; the one is, to subvert the Protestant religion and to introduce Popery: the other was to destroy and kill the king. The evidence likewise was of two sorts; the one by letters of his own hand-writing, and the other by Witnesses viva voce. The former he seems to confess, the other totally to deny. For that he confesseth, he does not seem to insist upon it, that the letters were not his, he seems to admit they were; and he rather makes his defence by expounding what the meaning of these letters were, than by denying himself to be the author. I would have you take me right, when I say he doth admit; he doth not admit the construction, that the king's counsel here makes upon them; but he admits that these letters were his. He admits it so far, that he does not deny them. So that you are to examine what these letters import in themselves, and what consequences are naturally to be deduced from them. That which is plainly intended, is to bring in the Roman Catholic, and to subvert the Protestant Religion. That which is by conse quence intended, was the killing the king, as being the most likely means to introduce that, which, as it is apparent by his letters, was designed to be brought in. For the first part of the Evidence. All his great long letter that he wrote, was to give the present confessor of the French king an account of what had passed between him and his predecessor; by which agency, you may see that Mr. Coleman was in with the former confessor. And when he comes to give an account of the three years transactions to this present confessor, and to begin a correspondence with him, about what is it? Why, the substance of the heads of the long Letter comes to this. It was to bring in the Catholic as he called it, (that is) the Romish Catholic religion, and to establish that here; and to advance an interest, for the French king, be that interest what it will. It is true his letters do not express what sort of interest, neither will I determine; but they say it was to promote the French king's interest, which Mr. Coleman would expound in some such sort, as may consist with the king of England's and the duke of York's interest. But this is certain, it was to subvert our religion, as it is now by law established. This F unless he can give me a good reason for this shall hold it as insignificant and as unlikely have that effect, as his other way by a gener toleration. was the great end thereof, it cannot be denied: to promote the interest, I say, of the French king, and to gain to himself a pension as a reward of his service, is the contents of his first long letter, and one or two more concerning that pension. His last letters expound more plainly what was meant by the French king's interest. "We are" (saith he)" about a great work, no less than the conversion of three kingdoms, and the total and utter subversion and subduing of that pestilent heresy" (that is the Protestant Religion) " which hath reigned so long in this Northern part of the world; and for the doing of which, there never was such great hopes since our queen Mary's days, as at this time." Now this plainly shews, that our religion was to be subverted, Popery established, and the three kingdoms to be converted; that is, indeed, to be brought to confusion. For I say, that when our religion is to be subverted, the nation is to be subverted and destroyed, that is most apparent for there could be no hope of subverting or destroying the Protestant religion, but by a subversion not conversion of the three kingdoms. How was it to be done otherwise? Why, I would have brought this religion in (says he) by dissolving of the parlia ment. I would have brought it in by an edict and proclamation of Liberty of Conscience. In these ways I would have brought it in. Mr. Coleman knows it is not fit for him to own the introducing of his religion by the murder of the king, or by a foreign force. The one was too black and the other too bloody, to be owned. And few people (especially the English) will be brought to save their lives (as he may do his) by confession of so bloody and barbarous a thing, as an intention to kill the king, or of levying a war; which, though it be not a particular, is a general murder. I say, it was not convenient for Mr. Coleman, when he seems to speak something for himself, to give such an account, how he would have done it; Therefore he tells us, he would have done it by the dissolving of the parliament and by toleration of religion. Now I would very fain know of any man in the world, whether this was not a very fine and artificial covering of his design for the subversion of our religion? Pray, how can any man think, that the dissolving of the parliament could have such a mighty influence to that purpose? it is true, he might imagine it might in some sort contribute towards it yet it is so doubtful, that he himself mistrusts it. For he is sometimes for the dissolving of the parliament, and other times not, as appears by his own papers: for which we are not beholden to him, so much as for any one, more than what were found by accident, and produced to the king and council. But in truth, why should Mr. Coleman believe that another parliament (if this parliament were dissolved) should comply with Popery; that is to say, That there should be great hopes of bringing in of Popery by a new parliament? And therefore next, Upon what ground do he presume this? I do assure you, that m does not understand the inclinations of t English people, or knows their tempers, th thinks, if they were left to themselves and ha their liberty, they would turn Papists. It true, there are some amongst us that have little wit as to turn Fanatics, but there is hard any, but have much more wit than to tu Papists. These are therefore the counterf pretensions of Mr. Coleman. Now, if not by these means, in what wa truly did he intend to bring in Popery? wh his own letters plainly convict him of one st towards it, in endeavouring with foreign powe to bring in that religion, and to subvert our And for the other way of doing it, by killin the king; I leave it to you whether there we any more probable way than that indeed do it. And could he think, that the French ki would not have thought himself cozened of h money, if he had not given him hopes that b would use the most probable methods that could, to effect his design? Therefore, there must be more in it: for h that was so earnest for that religion, would no have stuck at any violence to bring it in; h would not have stuck at blood. For we kno their doctrines and their practices, and w know well, with what zeal the priests pus them forward to venture their own lives, an to take away other mens, that differ from them to bring in their religion, and to set up them selves. For indeed in the kingdoms and coun tries where Popery reigns, the priests have do minion over men's consciences, and powe over their purses. And they use all arts ima ginable of making proselytes, and take specia care, that those in their communion sha know no more than the priests shall give ther leave to understand. And for this reason the prohibit the use of all books without their li cence. This blind obedience begets blind ig norance, and this is a great subtilty of their to keep them in it, that they may perfect submit to them. What cannot they command, when the have made others slaves in their understand ings, and that they must know no more, that what they give them leave to know? but i England it is not so, Mr. Coleman; and therein you would have found a great disap pointment. For if liberty of conscience had been tolerated here, that the consequence would have been Popery, I deny. of i Nothing is more unlikely; for though in th short reign of queen Mary, Popery came for some time, which was but for a little time and then the people were not so well grounded in the Protestant religion, nor in the principles of it: but now they are, insomuch, that scarce a cobler but is able to baffle any Roman priest that ever I saw or met with. And thanks be to God we have a preaching ministry, and the free use of the Scriptures allowed amongst us, which they are not permitted to have. And after this I wonder, that a man, who hath been bred up in the Protestant religion (as I have reason to believe that you Mr. Coleman have been,) for (if I am not misinformed) your father was a minister in Suffolk; for such an one to depart from it, is an evidence against you, to prove the Indictment. I must make a difference between us, and those who have been always educated that way, and so are under the prepossession of their education, which is a difficult thing to be overcome. And I do assure you, there are but two things, that I know of, can make one do it, interest, or gross ignorance. No man of understanding, but for by-ends, would have left his religion to be a Papist. And for you, Mr. Coleman, who are a man of reason and subtilty, I must tell you (to bring this to yourself) upon this account, that it could not be conscience, I cannot think it to be conscience. Your pension was your conscience, and your Secretary's place your bait. For such men (I say) as have been bred up in the Protestant religion, and left it, I can hardly presume that they do it out of conscience, unless they do it upon a mighty search, not leaning upon their own understanding and abilities, not hearing of one side alone. Conscience is a tender thing, conscience will tremble when it leaves the religion it has been bred in, and its sincerity is shown by being fearful, lest it should be in the wrong. No inan may pretend to conscience truly, that takes not all courses imaginable to know the right, before be lets his religion slip from him. Have we so soon forgot our reverence to the late king, and the pious advice he left us? A king that was truly a Defender of the Faith, not only by his title, but by his abilities and writings. A king, who understood the Protestant religion so well, that he was able to defend it against any of the cardinals of Rome. And when he knew it so thoroughly, and died so eminently for it, I will leave this characteristical note, That whosoever after that departs from his judgment, had need have a very good one of his own, to bear him out. I do acknowledge, many of the popish priests formerly were learned men, and may be so still, beyond the seas: but I could never Jet meet with any here, that had other learning or ability but artificial only, to delude weak women, and weaker men. They have, indeed, ways of conversion, and conviction, by enlightening our understandings with a faggot, and by the powerful and irresistible arguments of a dagger: But these are such wicked solecisms in their religion, that they seem to have left them neither natural sense, nor natural conscience, not natural sense, by their absurdity, in so unreasonable a belief, as of the wine turned into blood: Not natural conscience, by their cruelty, who make the Protes Mr. Coleman, in one of his letters, speaks of routing out our religion and party;' And he is in the right, for they can never root out the Protestant religion, but they must kill the Protestants. But let him and them know, if ever they shall endeavour to bring popery in, by destroying of the king, they shall find, that the papists will thereby bring destruction upon themselves, so that not a man of them would escape- Ne Catulus quidem relinquendus.' Our execution shall be as quick as their gunpowder, but more effectual. And so, gentlemen, I shall leave it to you, to consider, what his Letters prove him guilty of directly, and what by consequence; What he plainly would have done, and then, how he would have done it; And whether you think his fiery zeal had so much cold blood in it, as to spare any others? For the other part of the Evidence, which is by the testimony of the present witnesses, you have heard them. I will not detain you longer now, the day is going out. Mr. J. Jones. You must find the prisoner guilty, or bring in two persons perjured. L. C. J. Gentlemen, If your consultation shall be long, then you must lie by it all night, and we will take your verdict to-morrow morning. If it will not be long, I am content to stay a while. Jury. My lord, we shall be short, J. Wyld. We do not speak to you to make more haste, or less, but to take a full consultation, and your own time; There is the death of a man at the stake, and make not too much haste. We do not speak it on that account. The Jury went from the bar, and returned. Court. Are you all agreed of your verdict? Jury. Yes. Court. Who shall speak for you? Court. Edward Coleman, hold up thy hand? Court. Is Edward Coleman Guilty of the high-treason whereof he stands indicted, or Not Guilty?-Jury. Guilty, my lord. Court. What goods, chattels, &c. Prisoner. You were pleased to say to the jury, that they must either bring me in Guilty, or two persons perjured; I am a dying man, and upon my death, and expectation of salvation, declare, That I never saw these two gentlemen, excepting Mr. Oates, but once in all my life, and that was at the council table. I. C. J. Mr. Coleman, your own papers are enough to condemn you. Court. Capt. Richardson, you must bring Mr. Coleman hither again to-morrow morning to receive his Sentence. The Day following, being November the 28th, Mr. Coleman was brought to the Bar, to receive his Sentence, and the Court proceeded thereupon as followeth : L. C. J. Ask him what he can say for himself: Make silence, crier. |