[Mr. Mustapha] happening is simply this. Because of the uncertainty that is prevailing in this country today several tea companies in Ceylon, within the last two or three years, have acquired large interests in tea companies in East Africa. They have even gone out of their way to invest large sums on the actual expansion and production of tea in East Africa. The consequences are really far more serious than we imagine. For one thing, the capital that is normally invested in this country is going out for investment in another country. For another, we are unconsciously, directly or indirectly, building up a rival to our own tea industry. This is because the one thing that an investor wants to be secure about is his future in business. I am very happy that this Government is going to encourage foreign investment, but unless the Government cries halt to this tendency, far from foreign capital coming into the country we will be left high and dry if all the profits earned from our own plantations go out. I am one who is in favour of nationalization not only of the utility services but of every productive enterprise in Ceylon if it comes to that. But in the same breath I must tell the Government that this process of nationalization must come in so gradually, so progressively, that at no stage will our national economy be upset; or so gradually that at no stage will there be confusion and chaos. But I must express a sense of frustration and disappointment at the way the nationalization of motor transport is progressing because so far we have only got as far as the appointment of a Chairman of the Board on a princely salary. I think that this Government has decided on the pattern of the society that should grow, or be allowed to grow, in this country. If that is so, I should think there will be no difficulty in nationalizing foreign banks, theatres and other enterprises of this nature. I was indeed very happy that the question of the reorganization of the Public Service had found a place in His Excellency's Speech. The suggestion of doing away with the Ceylon Civil Service and substituting in its place a unified administrative service has been talked about in the country for quite some time. In fact, I would like to tell this Government that one of the first important administrative acts which the Indian Government was responsible for, after they achieved independence, was to scrap the Indian Civil Service and replace it with unified administrative a service, for the simple reason that the Civil Service was outmoded in the present set-up and was entirely unsuitable to the changed and changing conditions of an independent country. Several attempts had preto effect this viously been made change. I remember even the last Government talked of issuing a sessional paper on this subject but it never saw the light of day. This is because there are certain interested sections in the Treasury who make it their duty to shelve the matter when it is referred to them. It is even now rumoured that the same fate will overtake the attempt of this Government and this particular matter is referred to as "Mr. Bandaranaike's bravado". I am only appealing to the Hon. Prime Minister, as head of this Government to neither postpone this scheme nor allow it to be sabotaged by whatever quarter it may be. So far I have referred in passing to certain non-controversial subjects with which both my hon. Friends on this side as well as on the other side of the House will agree. The language question has found even a bigger place in His Excellency's Speech this year than it found last year. The lauguage question has been referred to by His Excellency as a "vexed question". I agree with him. In fact, this question has been discussed and debated so thoroughly for the last one year, both inside this House and outside it, and so much has been written about it in the daily newspapers, that there is hardly anything new or important to add. So, if I venture to touch on this muchtalked of subject, it is only because of the serious situation that has arisen in the country as a result of it. If I remember right a good part of the debating time on the Address of Thanks to His Excellency's Speech even last year was spent on discussing this topic. I am very happy that this Government is alive to the grave dangers that beset the country today. I am equally happy that the Hon. Prime Minister is at last making a genuine and determined effort to solve this question once and for all. But I regret to say that there are mischief-makers who think their only business is to make its solution more difficult. The communal amity and concord which had been the boast of Sri Lanka for so many centuries is now no more. In fact, it has given place to communal bitterness and hatred. I must say that this communal bitterness really started during the last lap of the U. N. P. regime, when those gentlemen reversed their accepted policy on the language issue and when every single Tamil-speaking member of that party, including yourself, Speaker, resigned membership. Now, in the wisdom of that unparalleled defeat, certain pillars of the U. N. P. are going about making statements about the grave situation that has arisen in the country over the language issue. But it was their policy too. They had no solution to it. Mr. Today in the comfort and cosiness of his armchair, Mr. Dudley Senanayake, in an attempt to give life to a half-dead party, is throwing out all sorts of suggestions. But another pillar of the U. N. P., Mr. J. R. Jayewardene, in the political wilderness in which he now finds himself, has given the show away in a recent speech by saying that even the concession which the Hon. Prime Minister is thinking of is a step towards the nullification of the Sinhala Only Act. In other words, Mr. J. R. Jayewardene and Mr. K. M. P. Rajaratna are of the same mind on this question and are indeed acting in collusion, which is not a secret in this country today. That is the policy we can expect from the U. N. P. But 1 must tell the members of the United National Party that if they believe that by getting hold of the language issue they can swing into power, they are mistaken and mistaken sadly. I say so because the Tamil-speaking people or any other people of this country are no longer prepared to be duped or deceived by that Party. There is the Federal Party of which I am a member. The Federal Party, as it indeed was its duty, has so far fought vehemently at every turn for the rights of its people and for the principles it represents. In fact, if the atmosphere had been made clear today for an honourable settlement of the language issue, I must say on this occasion-and I will be failing in my duty if I do not say so that it is purely through the efforts of the Federal Party that any attempts have been made to solve this question. As a result of this long controversy, two things have taken shape. One is that the Federal Party has put forward a four-point demand which everybody knows. The other is that the Hon. Prime Minister has offered a four-point plan for the reasonable use of Tamil which he hopes to supplement with two other measures, namely, the institution of regional councils and the amendment of the Constitution by the incorporation of a clause guaranteeing fundamental rights to all. That is his solution to the problem. I hope I may be forgiven if I analyse in short the demands of the Federal Party. First, the Indian Citizenship question which is one of their demands, is in my humble opinion a purely economic issue which need not find a place in the present struggle of the indigenous people of this country. To say the least, it makes the matter more complicated, On the question of federalism, the term [Mr. Mustapha] "federalism" is so wide in its concept, that unless its meaning is specifically defined it can mean different things to different persons. In fact, regarding its applicability to Ceylon. as a solution to the minority problem, my views differ considerably from the views of the other federalists. That is why I refused to second a very important resolution in Trincomalee even after it had been considerably modified after I expressed my views. It is a tragedy in this country that unless one is a rabble rouser one is not regarded as being able to say anything sensible. There will be the talk that he is crossing over and letting his party down. I have the feeling that the federal principles have been applied in many countries as a solution to the minority problems. But today, at this juncture in Ceylon, unfortunately, the majority community has misunderstood or, 1 may even say, not understood the purpose of the demand for a federal constitution On the other hand, the minority community has not sufficiently appreciated the usefulness of this principle to solve the difficulties in which they find themselves. In my own humble opinion the demand for federalism must give place at this juncture to a demand for an honourable status for the Tamil language in which we are all concerned just as much as every member of the Federal Party is concerned. We must ask ourselves how we can set about this question. I am today speaking as one concerned only in peace and in prestige. We must ask ourselves how this whole question can be solved to the satisfaction of everybody. That is the one thing that must be done, and I am very happy that there is a determined effort, there is an assurance that these proposals are going to be given concrete shape. I was amused when I read the views of a certain old gentleman which appeared in the "Ceylon Observer. " Everybody seems to be talking about a round table conference. I say that a round table conference is not going to serve any useful purpose because we know the type of gentlemen who will be invited to such a conference, and the more fantastic the suggestions they make the bigger will be the headlines in the newspapers the following day and the same position will exist. The responsibility for solving this question rests fairly and squarely on the shoulders of the Hon. Prime Minister as head of the State. I am glad that he has realized that. I appeal to him as Prime Minister and not as a representative of a section of the people but as a representative of the entire nation to realize his responsibility by every section of the country and solve this question immediately. How can that be done? I must say, on the Floor of this House, that the one point of view with which I agree is the point of view expressed by the hon. First Member for Colombo Central. The Hon. Prime Minister has been talking for one year of certain proposals which he thinks are reasonable by the minorities. It is up to him now to put those proposals into concrete form. We had, for instance, in the Gazette a copy of the draft Bill of the Regional Councils that are going to be set up. Similarly, we want all the proposals of the Hon. Prime Minister incorporated in a draft Bill so that we can have a series of discussions on it Otherwise, a conference without an agenda will end in empty talk as has been the case during the last year. It will serve absolutely no useful purpose. That, I think, is the way in which we can set about this problem. There is another demand of the Federal Party. It is the colonization of the Tamil-speaking areas. I wish to say a few words on this question. I must say that as far as I am concerned I think the policy of the present Government is far better than the policy pursued by its predecessor. Today representation is on a territorial basis and so long as Ceylon remains what it is, there is a degree of racial consciousness present in every man's mind whether he is prepared to admit it or not; if it is absent, it is only in degree. Whereas population is an increasing factor, territory is static. So that, the desire, the anxiety of a people to have a home unassailed, to have a territory in respect of which they can get representation in the Legislature is something which should not only be appreciated but also encouraged. In fact, in the recent past, the term "Tamil-speaking people" has been used to include Tamils as well as Muslims. But we know that, in personal relationships, it is only only among brothers that the bitterest quarrels exist when it comes to the question of a division of property or when it comes to a matter of rupees and cents. Although certain sections of these people have been speaking the same language, they are two different communities altogether, with two different aspirations. Hence it is the sacred duty of every representative, particularly representatives of minorities like ourselves, to secure and safeguard guaranteed representation for generations yet to come; and, if the necessity arises-not merely because the Federal Party has put forward this demand-I shall fight for the rights of my people even independently. But in thinking of representation, we must be realistic. In fact, there is going on today not only colonization of Tamil areas by the Sinhalese but also colonization of Muslim areas by both Being a man who is new to politics, I think I will be answerable for many more years to come to my own community as to what I have been able to do in this august Assembly to secure the continued representation of our people in Parliament. Therefore, while fighting against the colonization of our respective areas in this manner, I think I will not be asking too much from this Government if I request it to appreciate our desire to have a home which we can call our own. Tamils and Sinhalese. In Mr. Speaker, I do not wish to take any more time of the House. conclusion, may I say it is a great pleasure to find that the Ministers of this Government have so far, whatever policy they may have followed on the language issue, been attempting to do what they can for the benefit of all areas without discrimination? Whatever may be the fundamental rights for which we are sent here to fight, I am not prepared to abdicate my functions as Member of Parliament representing the people of Pottuvil; nor do I deem it incumbent upon me to compete with the Members who are so fortunate as to represent much more developed areas. I am only speaking for the people of the Pottuvil electorate when I invite the Ministers of this Government to visit that area and see for themselves in what a deplorable state the last Government had left it. I do not invite them with a view to insult anybody but merely in an effort to do what I can for the people of my area. As a matter of fact, I very seldom agree with the hon. Member for Kalmunai (Gate Mudaliyar Kariapper) on many matters, but I agree with him when he said that the people who belong to the Muslim community hanker not after jobs: they are farmers, and their primary concern is land. I must therefore express my gratitude to the Hon. Minister of Lands and Land Development who, with one stroke of the pen, agreed to allocate 5,000 acres in my area to the people of the Pottuvil electorate. They are indeed happy and very grateful to the Government. That is why I said at the outset that it was not in a spirit of accusing this Government that I was going to touch on the question of colonization. I hope that I have made myself fairly clear about my views on the I thank this present situation. honourable House for its indulgence. Mr. Speaker: The Sitting is now suspended until 4.30 P.M. Sitting accordingly suspended until 4.30 p.m., and then resumed. එක්වන් ජාතික ප්රයත්නයක් දැරීමට එය බාධාවක් පවතින බව ද විදේ ශීය අධිරාජ්යවාදය හා අප Dr. S. A. Wickremasinghe (Akuressa): ගරු කථානායකතුමනි, නමින් තිබෙන අතුරු යෝජනාව ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමටයි, මා දැන් නැඟී සිටියේ. එම අතුරු යෝජනාව මෙසේ යි: ' ගරුතර අග්රාණ්ඩුකාරතුමාගේ කථාවෙන් පෙන්වා ඇති අන්දමට ඔබතුමාණන්ගේ ආණ්ඩුව විසින් විදේශීය සම්බන්ධතා කටයුතු අතින් ඇති කරනු ලබන ප්රගතශීලී දියුණුවද ප්රජාතන්ත්රවාදය දියුණු කිරීම සහ ආර්ථික සංවර්ධන හා සමාජ ශුභ සිද්ධිය සඳහා සාමාන්ය වශයෙන් යොදනු ලබන කටයුතු ද ගැන අප ගේ සතුට ප්රකාශ කරන අතරම එම කථාවෙහි පහත සඳහන් කරුණු ඇතුළත් නොවීම ගැන කණගාටුව ප්රකාශ කරමු : (i) රටේ ප්රගතිශීලි බල වේගයන්ට ආශ්වාදය දිය හැකි වූද ඔවුන් ඒ සඳහා එකමුතු කොට යොදවා ගත හැකි වූ ද ආර්ථික සංවර්ධන වැඩ පිළිවෙලක් ඔබ තුමාණන්ගේ ආණ්ඩුව විසින් මේ වන තුරුම යොදා ඇති බවක් හෝ ලංකාවේ මහාජන සංවිධාන වල නියෝජිතයින් හා ආසියානු තත්ත්වයන් යටතේ සංවර්ධන ක්රම සකස් කිරීමේ පළපුරුද්දක් ඇති විදේශීය විශෙෂඥයින් ද ක්රම සම්පාදක මණ්ඩලවලට ඇතුළත් කර ගැනීමෙන් දැනට යොදා ගෙන ඇති ක්රම සම්පාදනය කිරීමේ වැඩ පිළිවෙල දියුණු කරනු පිණිස ආණ්ඩුව විසින් සුදුසු පියවර ගන්නා බවක් හෝ ඒ කථාවෙන් පෙන්වා නැත්තේ ය. (ii) මේ රටේ විදේශීය ධන දෙටුවන් සතු දේපල ක්රම ක්රමයෙන් ජාතිය සන්තක කරන බවට ඔබ තුමාණන්ගේ ආණ්ඩුව විසින් මැතිවරණයේ දී දෙන ලද පොරොන්දු ක්රියාවේ යෙදීමේ යෝජනා එම කථා වෙහි නො වීය. විශේෂයෙන් ලංකාවෙන් ධනය, ලාභ කොටස් මුදල් හා ලාභ පිටරට යැවීම තහනම් කිරීමට ද විදේශීය බැංකු, ඉන්ෂුවරන්ස් සමාගම් හා කොළඹ වරායේ විදේශීය ව්යාපාරික සමාගම් ජාතිය සන්තක කිරීමටද ආණ්ඩුව මෙම පාර්ලි මේන්තු වාරයේ දී අදහස් නො කරයි. ඔබ තුමාණන් ගේ කථාවට ඇතුළත් වූ නොයෙකුත් ආර්ථික හා සමාජ සංවර්ධන යෝජනාවන් සඳහා වුවද මුදල් ලබා ගැනීමට එම මාර්ගයන්ගෙන් ලැබෙන ආදායම අවශ්යය. (iii) 1956 රාජ්ය භාෂා පණත සම්මත වීම හේතු කොටගෙන පැන නැගී ඇති ජාතිවාදී අසමඟි තාවය නැති කරනු පිණිස ඵලදායක යෝජනා සකස් කිරීමට හෝ - අවුල් තත්වය ලිහිල් කොට සතුටු දායක බේරුමකට එළඹීම සඳහා තව දුරටත් සාකච්ඡා පැවැත් වීමේ මඟ පාදා ගැනීම පිණිස ගන්නා මුල් පියවරක් වශයෙන් - දෙමළ භාෂාව කථා කරන සුළු ජාතිකයින්ගේ භාෂා අයිතිවාසිකම් සම්බන් ධයෙන් ආණ්ඩුව විසින් දෙන ලද ප්රතිඥාවන් ක්රියාවේ යෙදීමට පවා ආණ්ඩුවට නොහැකි වීම නිසා, මේ රට ඉකුත් වර්ෂයේ ජාත්යන්තර සම්බන්ධතාවයන් හිලා වැඩි වශයෙන් ලබා ඇති ගරුත්වයට බර පතල හානි සිදු වී ඇති බවද ආර්ථික නො දියුණුතාවය හේතු කොට ගෙන පැන නඟින හදිසි ප්රශ්න විසඳීමෙහි ලා එක ලංකාවේ ජනතාව සූරා කෑමේ අභිප්රායයෙන් සිටි ප්රතිගාමී බලවේගයන්ට යළි හිස එසවීමට එය පහ වක්ව පවතින බව ද ඔබතුමාණන්ගේ ආණ්ඩු සෑහෙන පමණ දැන සිටින බවක් ඒ කථාවෙන් පෙන්වා නැත්තේය.' Mr. Speaker : Will the hon. Mem ber please give a translation of it i English ? Dr. Wickremasinghe: I move, a an Amendment to the Address at en to add the words :— 'While welcoming the progressiv orientation of Your Excellency's Gov ernment in external relations, its exten sion of democracy and the genera measures of economic development an social amelioration indicated in You Excellency's Speech, we nevertheles regret that the Speech (i) does not show that You (iii) does not indicate that Your Ex- its continued failure to evolve concrete proposals to end the |