that was Roman with all that was Catholic; and proceeded to apply this test to the Church of England, which could ill bear it. Rome satisfied the conditions of what a Church ought to be; the Establishment shamefully neglected its duties as a "guardian of morality" and a teacher of orthodoxy". It ignored the supernatural; it allowed ethics to be thrown overboard by its doctrine of justification without works; it had no real Saints because it neither commended nor practised the counsels of perfection; it was a schismatic body which ought humbly to sue for pardon at the feet of the true Bride of Christ. To evade the spirit of the Articles while subscribing them, where necessary, in a "non-natural" sense, was the only alternative Ward could allow to breaking with Anglicanism altogether. Unlike Newman, who aimed at reconciling differences, and to whom the Lutheran formula was but "a paradox or a truism", Ward repudiated the 'solifidian" view as an outrage on the Divine sanctity; it was "a type of Antichrist", and in sound reason no better than Atheism. So his "relentless and dissolving logic" made any Via Media between Catholics and Protestants impossible. The very heart of the Elizabethan compromise he plucked out. His language was diffuse, his style heavy, his manner to the last degree provoking. But whereas "Tract 90" did not really state, and made no attempt to resolve, the question at issue, Ward's "Ideal" swept away ambiguous terms and hollow reconcilements; it contrasted, however clumsily, the types of saintliness which were in dispute; it claimed for the Catholic standard not toleration but supremacy; and it put the Church of England on its knees before Rome.

How could Oxford or the clergy endure such a lesson? So complete a change of attitude on the part of Englishmen, haughtily erect on the ruins of the old religion, was not to be dreamt of. This, then, was what "Tract 90" had in view with its subtleties and subterfuges a second Cardinal Pole absolving the nation as it lay in the dust, penitent. The result, says Dean Stanley, was "the greatest explosion of theological apprehension and animosity" known to his time. Not even the tract had excited a more immediate or a more powerful sensation. Ward's challenge must be taken up. He claimed, as a priest in the Church of England, to hold (though not as yet to teach) the "whole cycle of Roman doctrine". Newman had never done so; even in 1844 he was not fully acquiescent on all the points he had once controverted. He would never have written the "Ideal"; much of it to him read like a theory. But in Oxford the authorities, who were acting as if with synodical powers, submitted to Convocation in Dec., 1844, three measures: (1) to condemn Ward's book; (2) to degrade the author by taking away his university degrees; and (3) to compel under pain of expulsion, every one who subscribed the Articles to declare that he held them in the sense in which "they were both first published and were now imposed by the university".

Had the penalty on Ward, vindictive and childish as it now appears, stood alone, few would have minded it. Even Newman wrote in Jan., 1845, to J. B. Mozley, "Before the Test was sure of rejection, Ward had no claims on anyone". But over that "Test" a wild shriek arose. Liberals would be affected by it as surely as Tractarians. Tait, one of the "Four Tutors", Maurice, the broadest of Broad Churchmen, Professor Donkin, most intellectual of writers belonging to the same school, came forward to resist the imposition and to shield "Tract 90", on the principle of "Latitude." Stanley and another obtained counsel's opinion from a future lord chancellor that the Test was illegal. On 23 Jan., they published his conclusion, and that very day the proposal was withdrawn. But on 25 Jan., the date in 1841 of "Tract 90" itself, a formal censure on the tract, to be brought up in the approaching Convocation, was recommended to voters

by a circular emanating from Faussett and Ellerton. This anathema received between four and five hundred signatures in private, but was kept behind the scenes until 4 Feb. The hebdomadal board, in a frenzy of excitement, adopted it amid protests from the Puseyites and from Liberals of Stanley's type. Stanley's words during the tumult made a famous hit. In a broadside he exclaimed, "The wheel is come full circle. The victors of 1836 are the victims of 1845. The victims of 1845 are the victors of 1836. The assailants are the assailed. The assailed are the assailants. The condemned are the condemners. The condemners are the condemned. The wheel is come full circle. How soon may it come round again?" A comment on this "fugitive prophecy" was to be afforded in the Gorham case, in that of "Essays and Reviews", in the dispute over Colenso, and in the long and vexatious lawsuits arising out of Ritualism. The endeavour was made to break every school of doctrine in succession on this wheel, but always at length in vain. Convocation met in a snowstorm on 13 Feb., 1845. It was the last day of the Oxford Movement. Ward asked to defend himself in English before the vast assembly which crowded into the Sheldonian Theatre. He spoke with vigour and ability, declaring "twenty times over" that he held all the articles of the Roman Church. Amid cries and counter-cries the votes were taken. The first, which condemned his "Ideal", was carried by 777 to 386. The second, which deprived him of university standing, by 569 to 511. When the vice-chancellor put the third, which was to annihilate Newman and "Tract 90", the proctors rose, and in a voice that rang like a trumpet Mr. Guillemard of Trinity, the senior, uttered their "Non placet". This was fatal to the decree, and in the event to that oligarchy which had long ruled over Oxford. Newman gave no sign. But his reticence boded nothing good to the Anglican cause. The University repudiated his followers and they broke into detachments, the many lingering behind with Keble or Pusey; others, and among them Mark Pattison, a tragic instance, lapsing into various forms of modern unbelief; while the genuine Roman group, Faber, Dalgairns, Oakeley, Northcote, Seager, Morris, and a long stream of successors, became Catholics. They left the Liberal party to triumph in Oxford and to remould the University. If 13 Feb., 1845, was the "Dies Ira" of Tractarian hopes, it saw the final discomfiture of the Evangelicals. Henceforth, all parties in the National Church were compelled to "revise the very foundations of their religion". Dogma had taken refuge in Rome.

In April, 1845, the country was excited by Sir R. Peel's proposals for the larger endowment of Maynooth (see Macaulay's admirable speech on the occasion). In June, Sir H. Jenner Fust, Dean of Arches, condemned Oakeley of Margaret Street chapel for holding the like doctrines with Ward, who was already married and early in September was received into the Church. Newman resigned his Oriel fellowship, held since 1822, at the beginning of October. He did not wait to finish the "Development"; but on the feast of St. Denys, 9 Oct., made his profession of the Catholic Faith to Father Dominic at Littlemore. The Church of England "reeled under the shock". Deep silence, as of stupor, followed the clamours and long agonies of the past twelve years. The Via Media swerved aside, becoming less theoretical and less learned, always wavering between the old Anglican and the new Roman road, but gradually drawing nearer to the Roman. Its headquarters were in London, Leeds, and Brighton, no longer in Oxford.

But an "aftermath" of disputes, and of conversions in the year 1851, remains to be noticed. On 15 Nov., 1847, the Prime Minister, Lord John Russell, nominated to the See of Hereford the "stormy petrel" of those controversies, Dr. Hampden. He did so "to strengthen the Protestant character of ous

Church, threatened of late by many defections to the Church of Rome". The "Times" expressed amazement; Archbishop Howley and thirteen other bishops remonstrated; but Dr. Pusey was "the leader and oracle of Hampden's opponents." At Oxford the Heads of Houses were mostly in favour of the nominee, though lying under censure since 1836. An attempt was made to object at Bow Church when the election was to be confirmed; but the Archbishop had no freedom, and by congé d'élire and exercise of the Royal Supremacy a notoriously unsound teacher became Bishop of Hereford. It was the case of Hoadley in a modern form.

Almost at the same date (2 Nov., 1847) the Rev. G. C. Gorham, "an aged Calvinist was presented to the living of Brampton Speke in Devonshire. "Henry of Exeter", the bishop, holding High Anglican views, examined him at length on the subject of baptismal regeneration, and finding that he did not believe in it, refused to induct Mr. Gorham. The case went to the Court of Arches-a spiritual court-where Sir H. Jenner Fust decided against the appellant, 2 Aug., 1849. Mr. Gorham carried a further appeal to the judicial committee, the lay royal tribunal, which reversed the decision of the spiritual court below. Dr. Philpotts, the Bishop of Exeter, refused to institute; and the dean of arches was compelled to do so instead. The bishop tried every other court in vain; for a while he broke off communion, so far as he dared, with Canterbury. As Liberalism had won at Hereford, so Calvinism won at Brampton Speke.

These decisions of the Crown in Council affected matters of doctrine most intimately. Newman's lectures on "Anglican Difficulties" were drawn forth by the Gorham judgment. But Pusey, Keble, Gladstone, and Anglo-Catholics at large were dumbfounded. Manning, Archdeacon of Chichester, had neither written tracts nor joined in Newman's proceedings. He did not scruple to take part with the general public though in measured terms, against "Tract 90". He had gone so far as to preach an out-and-out Protestant sermon in St. Mary's on Guy Fawkes' day, 1843. In 1845 he "attacked the Romanizing party so fiercely as to call forth a remonstrance from Pusey". And then came a change. He read Newman's "Development", had a serious illness, travelled in Italy, spent a season in Rome, and lost his Anglican defences. The Gorham judgment was a demonstration that lawyers could override spiritual authority, and that the English Church neither held nor condemned baptismal regeneration. This gave him the finishing stroke. In the summer of 1850, a solemn declaration, calling on the Church to repudiate the erroneous doctrine thus implied, was signed by Manning, Pusey, Keble, and other leading High Anglicans; but with no result, save only that a secession followed on the part of those who could not imagine Christ's Church as tolerating heresy. On 6 April, 1851, Manning and J. R. Hope Scott came over. Allies, a scholar of repute, had submitted in 1849, distinctly on the question now agitated of the royal headship. Maskell, Dodsworth, Badeley, the two Wilberforces, did in like manner. Pusey cried out for freedom from the State; Keble took a non-juring position, "if the Church of England were to fail, it should be found in my parish". Gladstone would not sign the declaration; and he lived to write against the Vatican decrees.

Surveying the movement as a whole, we perceive that it was part of the general Christian uprising which the French Revolution called forth. It had many features in common with German Romanticism; and, like the policy of a Free Church eloquently advocated by Lamennais, it made war on the old servitude to the State and looked for support to the people. Against free-thought, speculative and anarchic, it pleaded for Christianity as a sacred fact, a revelation from on high, and a present supernatural power. Its especial task

was to restore the idea of the Church, and the dignity of the sacraments, above all, of the Holy Eucharist. In the Laudian tradition, though fearfully weakened, it sought a fulcrum and a precedent for these happier changes.

Joseph de Maistre, in the year 1816, had called attention to the English Church, designating it as a middle term between Catholic unity and Protestant dissent; with an augury of its future as perhaps one day serving towards the reunion of Christendom. Alexander Knox foretold a like destiny, but the Establishment must be purged by suffering. Bishop Horsley, too, had anticipated such a time in remarkable words. But the most striking prophecy was uttered by an aged clergyman, Mr. Sikes of Guilsborough, who predicted that, whereas "the Holy Catholic Church" had long been a dropped article of the Creed, it would by and by seem to swallow up the rest, and there would be an outcry of "Popery" from one end of the country to another (Newman's "Correspondence", II, 484). When the tracts began, Phillips de Lisle saw in them an assurance that England would return to the Holy See. And J. A. Froude sums it all up in these words, "Newman has been the voice of the intellectual reaction of Europe", he says, "which was alarmed by an era of revolutions, and is looking for safety in the forsaken beliefs of ages which it had been tempted to despise."

Later witnesses, Cardinal Vaughan or W. E. Gladstone, affirm that the Church of England is transformed. Catholic beliefs, devotions, rites, and institutions flourish within it. But its law of public worship is too narrow for its religious life, and the machinery for discipline has broken down (Royal Commission on Discipline, concluding words). The condemnation of Anglican Orders by Pope Leo XIII in the Bull "Apostolica Cura", 13 Sept., 1896, shuts out the hope entertained by some of what was termed "corporate reunion", even if it had ever been possible, which Newman did not believe. But he never doubted that the movement of 1833 was a work of Providence; or that its leaders, long after his own departure from them, were "leavening the various English denominations and parties (far beyond their own range) with principles and sentiments tending towards their ultimate absorption into the Catholic Church".

Lives of Newman, Manning, Faber, Pusey, Ward, Wiseman, include contemporary letters. Besides works under these names see: CHURCH, Hist. of the O. M. (1891); OVERTON, The Anglican Revival (1897); PALMER, Narrative of Events (1843-1883); M. PATTISON, Memoirs (1885); T. W. ALLIES, A Life's Decision; BLATCHFORD, Letters; BURGON, Lives of twelve Good Men; A. J. FROUDE in Short Studies, Vols. III and IV, Revival of Romanism; H. FROUDE, Remains (1837); GLADSTONE, Letters on Religious Subjects, ed. LATHBURY (1910); GUINEY, Hurrell Froude (1907); Hampden's Life, by his daughter; A. KNOX, Remains (1837); STEPHENS, Life of Hook; Life of Keble, by J. T. COLERIDGE, also by LOCK; J. B. MOZLEY, Letters, ed. A. MOZLEY; OAKELEY, Notes on the T. M.; J. R. HOPE-SCOTT, Reminiscences (includes correspondence); STANLEY, Life of Arnold; IDEM, Essays on Church and State; PROTHERO, Life of Stanley; WHATELEY, Tracts; Life of Whateley, by his daughter; BLANCO WHITE, Autobiography (1815); Life of Bishop Wilberforce, by his son; ISAAC WILLIAMS, Autobiography; also, Ecclesiastical Courts Commission, 1883, summary of report

by HOLLAND; Commission on Eccles. Discipline, Evidence and Report. WILLIAM BARRY.

Oxyrynchus, titular archdiocese of Heptanomos in Egypt. It was the capital of the district of its name, the nineteenth of Upper Egypt, whose god was Sit, incarnated in a sacred fish of the Nile, the Mormyrus. Thence comes its Greek name, for in Egyptian it is called Pemdje. It has been mentioned by Strabo, Pliny, Ptolemy, etc. Its inhabitants early embraced Christianity, and at the end of the fourth century ("Vita Patrum" of Rufinus of Aquileia) it possessed neither pagan nor heretic. It had then twelve churches, and its monastic huts exceeded in number its ordinary dwellings. Surrounding the city were many convents to which reference is made in Palladius, the "Apophthegmata Patrum", Johannes

Diophante augmentés et reduits à la spécieuse" received the praise of Leibnitz. "Récréations", translated later into English and well known to-day, was published in 1694. He was elected member of the Academy of Sciences in 1701. The death of his wife plunged him into deepest sorrow, and the loss of his foreign pupils through the War of the Spanish Succession, reduced him to poverty.

Ozanam was honoured more abroad than at home. He was devout, charitable, courageous, and of simple faith. As a young man he had overcome a passion for gaming. He was wont to say that it was for the doctors of the Sorbonne to dispute, for the pope to decide, and for a mathematician to go to heaven in a perpendicular line. Among his chief works are: "Table des sinus, tangentes, et sécantes" (Lyons, 1670); "Méthode générale pour tracer des cadrans" (Paris, 1673); "Géométrie pratique" (Paris, 1684); "Traité des lignes du premier genre" (Paris, 1687); "De l'usage du compas" (Paris, 1688); " Dictionnaire mathématique" (Paris, 1691); "Cours de mathématiques" (Paris, 1693, 5 vols., tr. into English, London, 1712); “Traité de la fortification" (Paris, 1694); "Récréations mathématiques et physiques" (Paris, 1694, 2 vols., revised by Montucla, Paris, 1778, 4 vols., tr. by Hutton, London, 1803, 4 vols., revised by Riddle, London, 1844); "Nouvelle Trigonométrie" (Paris, 1698); "Méthode facile pour arpenter" (Paris, 1699); "Nouveaux Eléments d'Algèbre" (Amsterdam, 1702); "La Géographie et Cosmographie" (Paris, 1711); “La Perspective" (Paris, 1711).

FONTENELLE, Eloge d'Ozanam in Euvres, I, 401-408 (Paris, 1825) or in Mém. de l'Acad. des so. de Paris (Hist.), ann. 1717. PAUL H. LINEHAN.

Ozias,, i. e., "Yahweh is my strength", name of six Israelites mentioned in the Bible. (1) Ozias, King of Juda (809-759 B. C.), son and successor of Amazias. On the latter's death he was chosen king though he was only sixteen years of age (IV Kings, xiv, 21, where, as in ch. xv also, the name Azarias appears instead of Ozias, probably through a copyist's error; cf. II Par., xxvi, 1). His long reign of fifty-two years is described as pleasing to God, though he incurs the reproach of having tolerated the "high places". This stricture is omitted by the chronicler, who, however, relates that Ozias was stricken with leprosy for having presumed to usurp the priestly function of burning incense in the Temple. Ozias is mentioned among the lineal ancestors of the Saviour (Matt., i, 8, 9). (2) Ozias, son of Uriel, and father of Saul of the branch of Caath (I Par., vi, 24). (3) Ozias, whose son Jonathan was custodian of the treasures possessed by King David outside of Jerusalem (I Par., xxvii, 25). (4) Ozias, son of Harim, one of the priests who having taken "strange wives", were forced to give them up during the reform of Esdras (I Esdr., x, 21). (5) Ozias, son of Misha, of the tribe of Simeon, a ruler of Bethulia (Judith, vii, 12). (6) Ozias, one of the ancestors of Judith, of the tribe of Ruben (Judith, viii, 1). JAMES F. DRISCOLL.

LESETRE in VIGOUROUX, Dict. de la Bible, s. v.

Pacandus, titular see, recorded under "Pacanden." among the titular sees in the official list of the Curia Romana as late as 1884, when it was suppressed as never having existed as a residential see. Its present titular is Mgr Léon Livinhac, superior general of the White Fathers. The name of "Pacanden." owes its origin, without doubt, to the See of Acanda in Lycia, whose bishop, Panatius, signed in 458 the letter of the bishops of Lycia to Emperor Leo, and which is mentioned in the "Notitia Episcopatuum" from the seventh to the thirteenth century among the suffragans of Myra. Its exact site is unknown.

LE QUIEN, Oriens christianus, I, 985; PETRIDES, Acanda in Dict. d'hist. et de géog. eccl., I, 253. S. PÉTRIDES.

Pacca, BARTOLOMMEO, cardinal, scholar, and statesman, b. at Benevento, 27 Dec., 1756; d. at Rome, 19 Feb., 1844; son of Orazio Pacca, Marchese di Matrice, and Crispina Malaspina. He was educated by the Jesuits at Naples, by the Somaschans in the Clementine College at Rome, and at the Accademia de' Nobili Ecclesiastici. In 1785 Pius VI appointed him nuncio at Cologne, the centre of anti-Roman agitation. He was consecrated titular Archbishop of Damiata and arrived at Cologne in June, 1786. The Archbishop of Cologne, Archduke Maximilian of Austria, who had written a courteous letter to Pacca at Rome, told him he would not be recognized unless he formally promised not to exercise any act of jurisdiction in the archdiocese. The same attitude was taken by the Archbishops of Trier and Mainz. Hostility to Rome, incited chiefly by the work of Febronius (see FEBRONIANISM) was then at a high pitch on account of the establishment of the new nunciature of Munich. The other bishops, however, and the magistrates of Cologne received Pacca with all due respect. Even Prussia made no difficulty, and its monarch, in recognition of his friendly attitude, was accorded at Rome the title of king, against which Clement XI (1701) had protested when the emperor would have granted it. On his journey through his dominions on the Rhine Frederick William received the nuncio with great honour.

BARTOLOMMEO PACCA

Pacca's position with respect to the three ecclesiastical electors was difficult. When the Archbishop of Cologne, in 1786, opened the University of Bonn, that of Cologne being still loyal to the Holy See, the discourses given were a declaration of war against the Holy See. At Cologne, too, an attempt was made to support Febronian propositions, but was frustrated by the nuncio, against whom innumerable pamphlets were directed. But Pacca induced some prominent German writers to uphold the rights of the Holy See. He soon had a dispute with the Elector of Cologne. Conformably to the Punctuation of Ems, agreed on by the three archbishop electors and the Archbishop of Salzburg in 1786, the Archbishop of Cologne protested

against a matrimonial dispensation given by the nuncio in virtue of his faculties, and went so far as to grant dispensations not contained in his quinquennial faculties, instructing the pastors to have no further recourse to the nuncio for similar dispensations. The nuncio, in accordance with instructions from Rome, directed a circular to all the pastors in his jurisdiction apprising them of the invalidity of such dispensations. The four archbishops thereupon appealed to Joseph II to entirely abolish the jurisdiction of the nuncios, and the emperor referred the matter to the Diet of Ratisbon, where it was quashed. Pacca also opposed freedom of worship for the Protestants of Cologne, but so tactfully that his intervention was not apparent, and did not offend the King of Prussia. In 1790 he went on a secret mission to the Diet of Frankfort to safeguard the interests of the Holy See, and prevented the adoption of a new concordat.

When the French invaded the Rhine Provinces, he was ordered to leave Cologne, but he had the satisfaction of being finally recognized as nuncio by the Archbishop of Trier. In 1794 he was appointed nuncio in Portugal, but accomplished nothing of importance there. Of both nunciatures, he wrote memoirs, containing observations on the character of the countries and their governments. While still at Lisbon, he was created cardinal of the title of S. Silvestro in Capite (23 February, 1801), and assigned to various congregations. In 1808 French troops were stationed in Rome. Yielding to the insistence of Napoleon, Pius VII sacrificed Cardinal Consalvi, his faithful secretary of State, and the pro-secretaries, Casoni, Doria, and Gabrielli. The last-named was surprised in his apartments by the soldiers, placed under arrest, and ordered to leave papal territory. Two days later (18 June, 1808) the pope appointed Pacca pro-secretary.

In his new position Pacca carefully avoided everything that might provoke the emperor's anger, even ignoring the excesses of the French soldiery in and about Rome. But in August he felt obliged to publish in every province a decree forbidding subjects of the Holy See to enlist in the new "Civic Guard" (see NAPOLEON I) and, in general, under any foreign command. The "Civic Guard" was a hotbed of turbulence that might easily produce a rebellion in the Pontifical States. But Miollis, the French commandant, was furious, and threatened Pacca with dismissal from Rome. The pro-secretary replied that he took orders from the pope alone. Realizing that the annexation of Rome was inevitable, Pacca took precautions to prevent a sudden attack on the Quirinal; at the same time advising calm and quiet. The Bull of excommunication against Napoleon had been prepared in 1806, to be published in the event of annexation. On 10 June, 1809, when the change of government actually took place, the Bull was promulgated; on 6 July, the Quirinal was attacked, the pope arrested and taken to France and thence to Savona. Pacca was among those who accompanied him. As far as Florence, he tried to cheer Pius VII; at Florence he was torn from the pontiff's side, much to his sorrow, and saw him again only at Rivoli and Grenoble. From Grenoble he was conducted (6 Aug., 1809) to Fenestrelle, where he was confined with great severity, and could hardly find opportunities for confession and communion. Later, however, this restriction was removed. During this period the captive minister found time to write those records which formed the substance of his "Memorie storiche del ministero" etc.