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Summary from 1790 to 1830 inclusive.

Under the head of America, in the first volume

of this Encyclopædia, there is included a sketch FROM THE NEW YORK COURIER AND ENQUINER. of the history of the United States, to the adoption

of the Federal Constitution, and the organization In consequence of the various enquiries relative

of a General Government pursuant to the proto the new Census, we have procured from Wash

visions of that instrument. ington, through the polite attention of Wm. C. H.

Incidental circumWaddell, Esq. of the State Department, the follow

stances of some importance in the succeeding ing valuable document on this subject:

twenty-three years, are then mentioned; but, as far

as this general dictionary is concerned, there is a AN ABSTRACT of a “careful revision of the enumeration of the United States for the years nearly untouched. To fill this long and eventful

a period of forty-three years of political history 1790, 1800, 1810, and 1820,” compiled at the

period with such an arrangement and discussion of Department of State, agreeably to law; and an

circumstances and character as would claim the Abstract from the aggregate returns of the sev

title of a regular historical essay, is alike beyond eral Marshals of the United States, of the “Fifth Census”-(1830).

our power, or the scope of the work. A real phi. losophical history of the United States would, in

the present political condition of the world, be a STATE. 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830.

benefit conferred upon all mankind. Such a work, Maine

96,510 151,719 228,705 293,335 399,462 if made popular by fidelity of deduction and eleN. Hampshire 141,899 183,762 214,369 244,161 269,533 gance of style, would be translated and read throughMassachusetts 378,717 423,045 472,040 523,287 610,014 out the civilized world. The moral effect of such Rhode Island 69,110 69,122 77,031 83,059 97,210

a treatise would be as incalculably great as were Connecticut 233,141 251,002 262,042 275,202 297,711 Vermont

85,416 154,465 217,713 235,764 280,679 the Principia of Newton on the Natural Sciences. New York 340,120 586,756 959,049 1372,812 1913,508 Nor would a history of the United States, deserv. New Jersey 184,139 211,919 245 555 277,575 320,779

ing the name, produce more general or salutary Pennsylvania 434,373 602,365 810,0911049,458 1347,672 Delaware 59,096 64,273 72,674 73,749 76,739

effect in any other part of the earth, than in the Maryland 319,728 341,548 300,546 407,350 416,913 United States. D. Columbia

14,096 24,023 33,039 39,858 We cannot justly blame a people for not reading Virginia 748,308 880,200 974,622 1063,379 1211,266

what we ourselves acknowledge to have no existe N. Carolina 393,751 478,109 555,500 638,829 738,470 S. Carolina 2.19,073 345,591 415,115 802,741 581,458

ence; but we are justifiable in expressing regret at Georgia

82,548 162,101 252,43 340,937 616,567 a common neglect of history, foreign and domestic. Kentucky 73,077 220,955 406,511 564,317 688,844 There are numerous detached works, deserving a Tennessee 35,791) 105,602 261,727 422,313 684,822 Ohio 45,365 230,760 581,434 937,679

degree of study which they have not yet received. Indiana

4,875 24,520 147,178 3.11,582 Some of those volumes are admirably calculated to Mississippi

8,850 40,352 75,448 136,806 teach the reader, that states and empires are not Illinois

12,282 55,211 157,575

the ephemera they are too frequently thought to Louisiana

76,556 153,407 215,791 Missouri

be; and that the United States arose from causes

20,815 66,536 140,084 Alabama

127,902 309,206 in operation even anterior to the first establishment Michigan

8,896 31,129

of Anglo colonization on the continent of North Arkansas

10,273 30,383

America. As to the ordinary military chronoloFlorida

34,725

gical tables-for to the title of history they have 3929,827|5305,941|7239,814 9638,191(12856,464 no just pretension--the community experience little

loss froin a neglect of their perusal. Our schoolINCREASE FROM 1820 TO 1830.

books on the subject are chiefly engrossed by relaMaine

33,898 per ct.

S. Carolina 15,657 per ct. tions of battles. It is not, however, by battles won N. Hampshire 10,391 Georgia

51,472

or lost that permanent national prosperity is to be Massachusetts 16,575 Kentucky 22,066 Rhode Island

secured. Promising only a cursory view, we divide 17,157 Tennessee 62,044 Connecticut 8,161

Ohio
61,098

our historical sketch into three heads: Diplomacy, Vermont

19,005
Indiaua

132,087 Political Events, and Progress of Population. New York 39,386 Mississippi 81,032

Diplomacy is a term that the United States' New Jersey 15,564

Illinois

185,406 Pennsylvania 28,416 Louisiana 40,665

agents were amongst the first to reconcile to comDelaware

5,487
Missouri 110,380

mon sense. Previous to the American revolution, Maryland

9,712
Alabama 141,574

an ambassador was generally a shrewd, polished D. Columbia 20,639 Michigan 250,001

spy in fact, clothed with a sacred name; but the Virginia

13,069

Arkansas 113,273
N. Carolina 15,592
Florida

United States ministers spoke and wrote the lan-
Average

33.392.

guage of real business and truth, and have, with few

exceptions, done credit to their respective missNote.--If the Tables recapitulating the Census returos for 1830,

ions. The wrapping of the most important intercan be procured in time, they shall be published in a supplemen

ests of mankind in mystery, had become, previous tary sheet at the end of the volume. It is with sincere regret to the American revolution, a subject of satire and that the inevitable weight of so expensive a publication as the

direct censure. The rights of the many against Encyclopædia compels us to forego any further delay in our advance with the publication. In expectation of procuring the full

the oppressions of the few, were gaining force; and returns of the census, the article United States has been already a secret, strong, and increasing sentiment in fadelayed between three and four inonths.

vour of such a cause as that of the Anglo-Ameri.

4,762

can, was preparing the human mind to listen atten- ing the momentous crisis; but there was then a tively and favourably to men who appeared as the monarch in Europe, who fully understood the namissionaries of humanity, truth and reason. An ture of the contest, and, according to Mr. Lyman's other and most powerful aid to the American cause, own testimony, was not only the first sovereign, was a jealousy of British power, a mainspring of but the first man of eminent rank, that entered into foreign policy in France, which acted with, more correspondence with an accredited agent of the or less violence over all Europe; and thus prepar- United States. That monarch was Frederic II. of ed, the revolution was opened to a world which Prussia. The following lettert written by that formed very confined opinions on the importance of prince to William Lee, as Mr. Lyman well rethe event.

marks,“ merits to be preserved, for the single conThe usual misconception, as regards revolutions sideration of being written in the year '77 by the in the political world, prevailed in the public mind great Frederick, in a confidential manner, to an auof Europe on the occasion before us. The move. thorised commissioner of this country.' ment was at first considered a mere misunderstand

Pottsdam, July 2, 1777. ing between the government and the colonies, in 6. The king, having received Mr. Lee's letter, which the latter, too weak to resist, would be com dated Berlin, July first, and his complaint of the pelled to submit

. But the principle of revolution robbery that has been committed, is pleased to reexisted in the mind of a people, who never had sub turn him the answer, that his majesty has just ormitted, or seemed framed by nature to admit sub- dered his minister of state to hear what he has farmission.*

ther to say on the subject: that for this purpose, The first agent, clothed with the powers of a fo- Mr. Lee may communicate to the said minister reign minister, sent to Europe from the United without reserve, every thing he may wish to inStates, though not such in name, was Silas Deane. form his majesty of;—who assures him by the preAmong the parts of national history which deserve sent letter, that an inviolable secrecy shall be obparticular attention, is that which France has acted served respecting the overture he may think protowards nations revolting against oppression. With- per to make through this channel.” out ever having drawn the sword with that object, 6. To governments, as to individuals, it is more Austria, Spain, and Great Britain, have in turn difficult to regain than to continue on the strait given France an opportunity of exerting her irre- road,” says Pagannel, in his life of Frederic II., sistible influence. The Swiss Cantons, the Dutch "and the British parliament in their dispute with Republic, and the Republic of the United States, the colonies furnished a proof. At this epoch, the have, in the long period of upwards of five hun Scotsman Bute was the secret chief in the councils dred years, contributed to attest and illustrate this of George III. Driven from the ministry by pubcurious operation of national rivalry. So strong, lic opinion, he had the address to secure a successor indeed, was the tendency towards the usual course devoted to his system of extending the royal preof her policy, that imbecile as had been her admin- rogative. Entrenched behind this rampart, Bute, istration for seventy years before its occurrence, under cover, sapped the whig party, the indefatiFrance was slowly but inevitably drawn into the gable champions of American independence. One contest in opposition to a rival state; and the mo- of the most necessary means to secure the triumph ment that prosperity beamed on the arms of the of his policy, was the entire submission of the coloEnglish colonies, they became the allies of France. nies to ministerial authority.”

The first two treaties made by the United States, Behold the judgment of Frederic II. himself on were, one of commerce, and the other of alliance the English minister and his system. with France, signed at Paris, on the 6th February, " This Scotsman Bute, who governed the king 1778. The negotiators on the part of the United and the kingdom, like those evil spirits of whom States, were Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and

we hear much and never see, enveloped himself Arthur Lee; on the part of France, Conrad Alex. and his operations in profound darkness. His ander Gerard.

emissaries and creatures were the means by which By the commercial treaty, a great and long con he gave motion according to his will to the polititested principle in the laws of nations, that free cal machine. His system was that of the ancient ships make free goods” was asserted and acknow. tories, who maintain, that it is requisite to the ledged. “Thus did France,” says Mr. Lyman, happiness of England, that the king should enjoy “ acquire the signal honour of having been the despotic power. Imperious and harsh in his gofirst power in the old world to recognise the in- vernment, and paying slight regard to the choice dependence of a youthful nation in the new.” of the means he employs, his unskilful management

This acknowledgement in favour of France de- of affairs was even more notorious than his obstiserves some qualification. With regret for his nary: fate, and respect for his memory, it may be safely “The English nation were thus degraded by asserted, that Louis XVI. was incapable of perceiv- their own sovereign, who finally had no will but

Amongst the works which have come from the pen of a citizen of the United States, and emanated from the press of this country, there is not one more deserviog of attentive perusal than “Lymau's Diplomacy,” two vols 8vo. It is a wide field, but most worthy of culture throughout. The few notes which form that head of our article, are from that admirable treatise, which we recommend to the youth of our common country. | Vide Lyman's Diplomacy, vol. i. page 140. VOL. XVIII.-PART I.

3 F

that of his minister. But as if all former subter

Eripuit cælo fulmen, sceptrumque tyrannis. fuges and double-dealing were insufficient, Lord Bute wished to strike a still more bold and decisive To the profound knowledge requisite for his blow for the establishment of that despotism he mission, Franklin united the insinuating graces of had in prospect. He engaged the king to impose a man of polished life.“ Thus,” concludes Paganarbitrary imposts on the American colonies, with nel," he did not alone excite admiration, he knew a view to augment the revenue, and to secure a pre- how to please; a decisive advantage in France." cedent which could be imitated in Great Britain. The negotiation was successful, however, from

“ The Americans, whom the English ministry a far higher cause than even the power and graces had not condescended to corrupt, openly opposed of Franklin. On the 6th of February, 1778, by the an impost so contrary to their rights and their cus signing of the two treaties with France, the Declatoms, and above all, to that liberty enjoyed by them ration of Independence on the 4th of July 1776, ever since their original establishment. A wise was consummated. The United States had now an government would have hastened to pacify these acknowledged existence; and if British statesmen new-born troubles; but the ministry at London acted had understood the spirit of the age, they would on different principles. They fomented new dis. have yielded to that course of things which it was putes with the colonies, in the case of some mer beyond not only their power alone, but all human chants to whom they had conferred the monopoly power to control. These remarks are made with of certain East India merchandise, which they de no lingering feeling of hatred to Great Britain. termined to force the colonies to purchase. No man can read Lyman's Diplomacy, and that

“ The severity and violence of such proceedings still larger volume, the History of National Policy, succeeded to drive the colonies to open revolt; without acknowledging that mere cold calculation they held a congress at Philadelphia, where, re instigated France and other states to countenance nouncing the English yoke which had become in

the new republic. Could the events of the next supportable, they declared themselves free and in- age have then been unfolded, the line of diplomacy dependent. From hence, behold Great Britain would have centred in London. engaged in a ruinous war with her own colonies. The whole history of Europe relating to the age But, if Lord Bute showed himself awkward in the of the American revolution, fully sustains the fact, preparation of this affair, he was still more so in its that the king of Prussia alone amongst the monexecution; and when the war commenced, France, archs, understood the principles, and felt a sinalways the rival of England, saw the troubles with cere wish for the success of an attempt so adverse pleasure. They underhandedly encouraged the to power; yet this monarch did not take even the spirit of revolt, and animated the Americans to part that might have been expected from his sensustain their rights against the despotism which timents. His conduct, however, was regulated by George III. wished to establish, and presented in his cautious character, and left the Dutch republic perspective the assistance which they were encour to follow, or be influenced by the example of aged to expect."*

France, and rather by accident than preconcerted France watched attentively every step, and heard design, be the second European power to form a with interest every echo of the contest.

treaty with the United States. crifices made at the peace of 1763, were now to be The United States were further aided on the con. redeemed, and they were redeemed, by the removal tinent of Europe by the confidence felt by the for ever of one of the bases of rival power. Under British in their own power and influence. So long all these favourable circumstances, Benjamin Frank- and uninterrupted had been the dependence, in parlin made his appearance in Paris, clothed with full ticular, of Holland, as the whole Dutch republic power to pursue to completion the negotiations was called, on Great Britain, that in the first part commenced by Silas Deane. If all the circum- of the revolution the former was not even thought stances of the times are taken in connexion with of as a power either able or willing to brave the his own personal character, the appointment of Yet in the issue, next to France, Holland Franklin to represent the colonies at Paris, was the gave most effective aid, and really next to France, most fortunate event in the revolutionary struggle. if a profound view had been then taken, was the His fame had preceded him, and with his age and power most interested to see British pride humpersonal address, secured him an enthusiastic re bled. ception. His whole appearance inspired respect. The first treaty between the United States and His simple, modest and consistent manners, an Holland, if a treaty it could be called, was negonounced the ambassador of a republic. His name tiated by William Lee of Virginia, and Francis stood alone, without titles of honour; on his person Van Berckel, a magistrate of Amsterdam, and was appeared none of those proud decorations too often signed at Aix-la-Chapelle, on the 4th of September the substitute of talent or the livery of vice. But 1778. The instrument was in fact private, in every on this Ionic column the public voice ordered to be sense of the term, but it became public by an acciplaced an inscription which is itself an abridged dent of war, and with other causes contributed to life of this extraordinary man:

involve the Dutch republic in the contest with Great Britain. With this war raging, the seven

The sa

• Pagannell's Frederick II. vol. ii. pages 313, 314, in the text and note.

| Ibid. pages 324, 325.

are

distinct legislatures of the Dutch republic, did not pondence with an American commissioner, the king finally ratify a treaty with the United States, until of Prussia was the fourth in order of time, of the the sth of October 1782 ; negotiated by John powers of Europe, to form positive stipulations by Adams, on the part of the United States, and treaty with the new nation of the west. George Van Randwyck and seven others on the There were circumstances peculiar to the first part of the United Provinces of the Netherlands. treaty between the United States and Prussia, which This treaty was ratified by Congress on the 23d confer upon its history great interest. It was January 1783.

amongst the last political acts of two of the most The stipulations of this second treaty, formed by remarkable men of their age, Franklin and Fiederic the American government, did not, in its provi. II. Soon after its ratification, the former returned sions, differ materially from the previous treaty to his native country, and on the 17th of August with France. In his usual manner, Mr. Lyman of the following year, the latter closed his eventful has given the Dutch treaty as a note, and with ap- life and reign. The treaty itself," has been called,” propriate remarks in the text;-remarks, which in says Lyman,“ a beautiful abstraction; is remarkable this instance, open the vista which shows, in the for the provisions it contains, though it does not remote distance, that the United States, still of appear that they have been attended with any good comparatively small national importance, had, ne. consequences to the parties, or have been of pracvertheless, then begun to influence the political at tical utility to the world. Blockades of every demosphere of the world.

scription were abolished; the flag covered the proThe British ministry, obstinately as they had perty; contrabands were exempted from confiscapursued a course into which they had blindly tion, though they might be employed for the use of rushed, were not altogether infatuated, and there the captor, on payment of their full value. This, fore were convinced, long before they acknowledged we believe, is the only treaty ever made by America, it, that the North American colonies were lost to (U. S.) in which contrabands were not subject to Great Britain, and added to the nations who held confiscation; nor we aware, that any other British supremacy as an encroachment on the com modern treaty contains this remarkable provision. mercial and political independence of mankind. We are probably indebted to Dr. Franklin for the

The agents of the colonies, avowed and con article. It had long been a favourite subject with cealed, were introducing representations of the him to procure the exemption, from the evils of great commercial advantages held out by a new na war, of all persons engaged in private pursuits tion on the west side of the Atlantic. For many or occupations, and to abolish privateering. He centuries past, and under various forms, a species was desirous of having similar articles inserted in of republic has bound together commercial men the treaty with England of 1783, and proposed them over ihe civilized world; and up to this moment, it to Mr. Oswald, *" is commerce, more than all other causes combined, The treaty of 1785, between the United States which unites together distant nations. Great Brit- and Prussia, failed in its object, as is usual when ain and Spain, in an attempt respectively to secure too much is attempted, but it is a document of the colonial commerce as a monopoly, infringed a right highest interest, in another science much more excommon to all mankind. If, therefore, it did not alted than diplomacy. It proves, that the Theory flow from profound views of policy, the American of Humanity began to assume consistence; and by agents pursued, from no matter what motive, a reference to the works referred to in the margin, system most admirably adapted to forward their particularly Pagannel, it will be seen, that the encause.

lightened, venerable, and humane Franklin, if he As early as May 1777, William Lee of Virginia did make the proposals alluded to, made them to was sent commissioner to the courts of Vienna well inclined ears. The treaty, by its own limilaand Berlin, empowered to "propose treaties of tions, has long ceased to operate; and its negotiafriendship and commerce with these powers, on the tors have long been numbered with the dead; but same commercial principles as were the bases of the principle remains; and is not the same princithe first treaties of friendship and commerce, pro- ple the power which has nearly destroyed the deposed to the courts of France and Spain by our testable s'ade in slaves? commissioners, and approved in congress on the It is only the philosophy of history that is of any 17th of September 1776."

value; but of all branches of history there is none We have already shown, in part, the reception of from which the philosophy is with so much diffiMr. William Lee at Berlin, and the disposition of culty separated from the mere policy, as that of the the king of Prussia towards the revolted colonies; United States. It is this distinction which renders but no formal treaty was effected with that govern a good history of the United States so necessary, ment, until one of amity and commerce was con and so little to be expected whilst the actors remain cluded in September 1785, negotiated on the part on the scene. To ignorance of their actual situaof the United States by Messrs. Franklin, Je fer- tion relatively, may be attributed the rupture when son and Adams; and on that of Prussia by M. de it happened.

it happened. Neither party, from 1765 to 1775, Thulmeyer.

thought of separation; and, until gradually impelled Though the first to enter into friendly corres- beyond recession, nothing would probably have

Lyman's Diplomacy, vol. i. page 145—48. Koch's Revolutions, vol. iii. page 10, and sequel. Pagannel's Fred. vol. ii. page 336, and sequel.

more effectually checked the colonists, than to have Conciliatory Plan, in 1778, it is more than probable been convinced that their measures were leading to that he followed his real opinion; but the hour had separation. On the other side, the British govern- passed, when that which the American people de. ment overrated its own strength, and despised that manded, or rather implored, five years before, could of the colonies. This mistake was fatal to every be accepted. plan, if any such had been formed, of conciliation Peace, the colonies could have had in 1778; but before blood was shed, and to reconciliation after who was to restore the thousands fallen? Who wards. Separation became inevitable.

was to rebuild the smoking ruins ? Could time and One mistake is general, and, if he is correctly its events reverse their order of procession ? Indequoted by Pagannel, was shared by Frederic II.; pendence! had any British minister dared to prothat is, that the English whigs were favourable to pose acceding to such a measure, he would have American independence. The truth of history in. been dismissed from office, and perhaps his head structs us, however, that if the British whigs and would have been thrown at the feet of an enraged tories disagreed on every other topic, they most public. cordially united in a sentiment of horror against " Where is the man that will dare to advise such American independence. As political parties, one a measure," thundered the dying Chatham, on the radical distinction existed between the British 7th of April 1778; and his voice from the brink of whigs and tories, on the colonial question. The the tomb was responded by public opinion and whigs were for granting to the colonists the full feeling. “I rejoice," exclaimed the once terrible fruition of all the rights of British subjects, but mouth, " that the grave has not closed upon me, evidently only with a view of compelling them to that I am still alive, to lift up my voice against the remain subjects: the tories, attached to prerogative, dismemberment of this ancient and most noble sought only to establish their political principles of monarchy." civil government in America as in the other colo. One cause of the political decline, whilst in the nies of Britain. The whigs foresaw and deplored full vigour of his powerful mind, was, that Chatham the consequences, whilst the tories, without fore- advocated the rights of the colonies, only as colosight beyond their own object, set at defiance the nies; and nothing showed the bent of public feeling maxims of law and precepts of prudence. The in England, in 1778, more distinctly than that the course of events could not be turned by tory ob- expiring Chatham contributed to defeat the first stinacy; and three years of incalculable expenditure motion made in the British parliament, to acknowof blood and treasure, closed by the surrender of ledge the independence of the thirteen united coloan entire army; and the alliance of the revolted nies. The motion was made by Mr. Powys, in colonies with France, brought the British ministry April 1778, and went to authorise commissioners to offer as a boon, in 1778, what they had insolently to treat with the colonies as independent. Fox, denied in 1775.

Burke, and their friends, supported the motion, Lord North's “Conciliatory Propositions," at which was lost without a division, but commiss. the time of their appearance, marked the ignorance ioners were sent “ to grant pardons,” and were reof their author, or authors, much more strongly ceived as any man of ordinary good sense might than any other act of a ministry, notorious for un. have foreseen. paralled faults. To a body rendered respectable in Thus stood matters early in 1778. France, conihe eyes of the world by recent victory, emboldened trary to the real wishes of her statesmen or diplom. by self confidence in its cause, and strengthened by atists, had contributed to place Grcat Britain in foreign alliance, it was ludicrous to “grant par. such a situation as to compel her to offer every dons and immunities; to restore to the colonies thing but independence to her revolted colonies: their ancient charters, to exempt them from taxa but we are justifiable in the induction, that the tion, and not to require them to renounce their colonies themselves alone wished for such a conindependence, till the treaty had been ratified by summation as independence. France had been inthe king and parliament.”

volved too far to recede; and involved from mere When such propositions were offered in the views and feelings of national rivalry, and calcula. British parliament, it was no subject of wonder tions of commercial and political advantages. It that “ a dull melancholy silence succeeded to the may be said, indeed, without danger of incurring speech.” This same ministry, in defiance of com the charge of national partiality, that the diplomamon sense, and deaf to the cries of humanity, had tists employed by the united colonies conducted provoked the colonies to revolt, and forced them in their correspondence and negotiations with an abili. self defence to declare themselves free and inde. ty and unity of plan, alike unexpected by their allies, pendent, and now an offer of pardon and immunity, and displeasing to their enemies. It soon became to men before injured beyond all forgiveness, was evident, that the conceptions of such men were far received with cold contempt.

above the confined local and momentary views of It is but justice to Lord North to state, that mere colonists. The unwelcome truth was revealed from Franklin's correspondence, it appears that the to Europe, that choice of masters had no part in king, George III., was the real author of the the object of the Americans; and as this truth was American revolution, and the irremovable obstacle gradually developed, the hopes of France were in the way of any rational means of arresting its weakened. progress with honour and safety to the mother Yet no peace could be made with men whose country. When, therefore, Lord North offered his wounded pride had not yet been sufficiently hum

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