changed again at pleasure, was our own acknowledged foundation, and therefore not to be denied to others; but there was nothing in this posture of affairs to call the United States from their position of neutrality as an independent nation; and it was Washington's anxious struggle to overcome that colonial feeling, which connected the minds and affections of the American people with the differences of European belligerents. He felt and he knew, also, that a continuance of peace afforded the only chance for consolidating our infant institutions. A proclamation of neutrality was issued for the purpose of preventing all interference by citizens of the United States; while on the other hand, the French minister was received as the envoy of a government existing de facto. These measures commenced a system of foreign policy to which we have since inflexibly adhered; at the time, they were not more remarkable for the wise foresight by which they were dictated, than for the noble resistance they opposed to temporary clamour.

The intrigues of the republican minister Genet, a man of talent but of ardent temperament, increased the difficulties of the times. Deceived by the popularity of the French cause, and encouraged by the supposed weakness of the country, he endeavoured to erect himself into an independent power, supported by clubs and numerous adherents, and appealing in case of difference from the government of the union directly to the people. Constant irritations were produced by the equipment of armed vessels and the condemnation and sale of prizes by French consuls, in the ports of the United States. Expeditions were boldly prepared in the south and west for the invasion of Florida and Louisiana by enlisted American citizens. The president at length resorted to the decisive measure of requiring the recall of this turbulent minister. The French government also furnished subjects of grievous complaint to the citizens of the union. Our commerce was harassed by privateers, at least as much as that of the acknowledged enemy. American vessels were detained by a French embargo: and the treaty was violated by their courts of admiralty, whose decrees were often marked by gross injustice and oppression.

The other belligerents contributed their full share to the violation of American neutrality and the excitement of national feeling. Our merchantmen trading to the French colonies, were captured too frequently without any reasonable cause: the rights of search and impressment were every where exercised and abused by British cruisers: regulations were established by arbitrary orders in council that found no authority in the law of war: and an attempt to add famine to the distress of France, materially impeded the American commerce in bread stuffs. England still held a number of military posts belonging to the United States by the terms of the treaty of peace: Spain refused us the navigation of the Mississippi, and both nations were more than suspected of having excited the invasions of the Indians. Such were the difficulties of the American government, exposed to aggression from all abroad, and from temporary excitements, unfortified by the

secure bulwark of popular support at home. The numerous party friendly to France regarded any position short of actual warfare with her rival, as ungrateful and dishonourable. The mercantile community loudly complained of their embarrassed commerce: the west threatened disunion because they were barred from the natural outlet of their produce; and the insurrectionary resistance to the excise law in Pennsylvania was only subdued by military force.

In these extremities the position of the president was firm. The necessity for, additional warlike preparations was urged upon Congress: "if we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it: if we desire to secure peace-one of the most powerful instruments of our prosperity-it must be known that we are at all times ready for war." The rule of his policy was "to cultivate peace with all the world-to observe treaties with pure and inviolate faith-to check every deviation from the line of impartiality-to explain what may have been misapprehended, and correct what may have been injurious to any nation; having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in acquiring the ability to insist upon justice being done to ourselves. The American navy was created by this crisis. An embargo was laid on our commerce, taxes were imposed, and all public measures were evidently directed to the approach of war, which, so far as regarded Great Britain, was certainly the popular wish of America.

At this critical period, 1795, the president was deprived of the assistance of his ablest coadjutors. Mr. Jefferson was induced by ill health to resign the secretaryship of foreign affairs; and Hamilton and Knox left their several departments on account of the narrowness of their private fortunes. Edmund Randolph succeeded Jefferson; William Bradford became attorney-general, Mr. Wolcott secretary of the treasury, and Colonel Pickering secretary of war. Mr. Randolph continued but a short time in office: he was succeeded by Pickering, whose vacant department was given to Mr. M'Henry. Upon Mr. Bradford's death, Lee was appointed attorney-general.

The treaty of amity negotiated with England by Jay, was received with the utmost acrimony of opposition by the strong party opposed to all accommodation with an obnoxious power, and by many who conceived it injurious to American interests. Time has now justified the ratification of the executive upon the principles of sound policy; but it was then additionally useful as an adjustment of ancient differences and a commencement of friendly intercourse. A treaty was also effected with Algiers; and by another with Spain, the important points of boundary and the Mississippi were fully conceded. Thus was attained, in the language of Washington, "by prudence and moderation on every side, the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord, which had heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on terms compatible with our national faith and honour;" and thus was laid "the firm and precious foundation for accelerating, maturing and establishing the prosperity of our

country." The attention of the government was then anxiously given to the settlement of that system, which, at the present day, is about to produce the extinction of the national debt.

1796. The time again approached for the choice of a President of the United States. The intention of Washington to decline a third election, which had been long known to his confidential friends, now began to be generally suspected. The public work was performed for which alone he had sacrificed the first wishes of his heart. The agriculture and commerce of the nation were flourishing beyond the most sanguine anticipations. Ample revenues had been provided for the support of the government: credit was restored, and the national debt was gradually decreasing. Peace was established with all the world, and with the exception of France, all grounds of foreign rupture had been adjusted by treaty. In all parts of the union-even in those where acts of the administration had been most violently condemned-the warmest attachment and veneration were exhibited for the person and character of the president. It was generally agreed that another unanimous suffrage would again confer upon him the chief magistracy of the nation, when the celebrated valedictory address announced a firm resolution to return to the quiet of a domestic life. In nearly all the state legislatures, resolutions were immediately passed, expressing the deep emotion excited in the people by the intended retirement of one whose services were so exalted and so appreciated. Washington was present at the inauguration of his successor John Adams, and after receiving new public testimonials of the respect of his fellowcitizens, he turned his steps towards Mount Vernon, "as a wearied traveller who sees a resting place, and is bending his body to lean thereon." His journey was every where interrupted by the usual expressions of affectionate regard.

The retirement of Washington was almost wholly devoted to agriculture, study, and an extensive correspondence. His privacy was frequently disturbed by the addresses of legislative bodies and of his fellow-citizens, for the eyes and memories of all turned without ceasing to the statesman and soldier of America. On only one more occasion did he involve himself in the troubles of public duty. It was when the arrogance of the French Directory threatened immediate war against his beloved country: at that epoch he submitted himself to the public voice, and accepted the post of lieutenant general and commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States. The danger passed away, and harmony was restored in consequence of another change in the government of France.

The hour had now come which was to bear with it the final separation of the illustrious benefactor and his grateful fellow-citizens. A slight exposure to rain on the 13th of December 1799, brought on an inflammatory affection of the windpipe, which in two days produced dissolution. From the beginning Washington was sensible that his death was inevitable, and he only submitted to the exertions of his physicians as an obligation of

christian duty. "Doctor," said the expiring hero, "I am dying, and I have been dying for a long time, but I am not afraid to die." He retained until the last moment the full possession of all his faculties. In the strong language of the senate, "favoured of Heaven, he departed without exhibiting the weakness of humanity: magnanimous in death, the darkness of the grave could not obscure his brightness." His affairs were arranged with that serene equanimity which had marked him in all the critical occasions of his great and varied career.

The intelligence of the death of Washington was received by the American people with all that deep and mournful feeling which was due to so great a national calamity. An immense concourse of citizens paid his mortal remains the last earthly honours. The two houses of Congress immediately adjourned. The speaker's chair was shrouded with black, and the members wore mourning during the remainder of the session. Resolutions passed unanimously in honour of him, who was emphatically pronounced, "first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow-citizens." "On this occasion," said the address of the senate, “it is manly to weep. To lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity to the world. Our country mourns a father. The Almighty disposer of human events has taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. It becomes us to submit with reverence to HIM, who 'maketh the darkness his pavilion.'

A solemn funeral procession took place from the capitol on the 26th of December; on which, occasion, an eloquent oration, prepared at the request of Congress, was delivered by General Lee. The people of the United States wore crape on the left arm for thirty days; and throughout the country, public discourses gave expression to the nation's grief.

The character of Washington has been ably drawn, though with some small shades of difference, by Chief Justice Marshall and Mr. Jefferson. We shall endeavour to combine the two, so as to form a full and impartial sketch.

His person was fine; his stature above the common size and exactly what one would wish: his deportment easy, erect and noble: the best horseman of his age, and the most graceful figure that could be seen on horseback. His constitution was vigorous and capable of enduring the greatest fatigues. The beholder gazed with admiration upon him as A combination and a form, indeed, Where every god did seem to set his seal, To give the world assurance of a man. The manners of Washington were reserved and dignified without haughtiness. All who approached him felt the indescribable influence of his demeanour, and none ventured upon hasty or undue familiarity. With those in whom he confided he conversed freely, but always with solidity, and never with attempted brilliancy. His attachments were in no case hastily formed; he calculated each man's value, and gave him a sure esteem proportioned to it: in return, the affections of his friends were ardent, but always respectful.

He wrote readily, with ease and correctness, as is exhibited in his extensive correspondence. In his more studied compositions, such as the Farewell Address, his style was clear, powerful, and partaking largely of his native judgment and dignity. His education had been plain, so that all his great acquisitions came rather from action than from

books.

Nature had given Washington a high toned and irritable temper, which was habitually restrained by constant watchfulness. It was very rarely that his anger broke bounds, but on those occasions the burst of wrath was tremendous. He was generous, charitable and merciful; a sincere and devout christian, without ostentation or vain exhibition.

His expenditure was honourably liberal, but always exact even to precision. He contributed bountifully to all useful improvements and to the calls of distress, while ill-advised projects and false pretensions met with the severest reprobation. His integrity was the purest, his justice most inflexible: no motives ever swayed his decision beyond the merits of the subject. In the whole of his correspondence and life, Washington presents the extraordinary spectacle of a man and a chief magistrate to whom guile was unknown, whose ends were always just, and means always honest, whose real and alleged motives for every act, public and private, were on every occasion equal and the

same.

If Washington possessed the common feelings of ambition, no man has ever so controlled them by reflection and determination. His numerous honours were cast upon him by his fellow citizens, almost against his consent; he accepted them as sacrifices to the public good, and they were regularly laid down after the crisis had passed, as burdens which it had ceased to be his duty to bear. Modesty was with him an innate virtue; and partaking of the general firmness of his mind's texture, it was never even tempted into indiscretion by the praises and homage of admiring millions.

The character of Washington as a warrior is best exhibited by the results of his military career. With the smallest means he attained the greatest ends. Almost always opposed to a superior enemy, he was never surprised, and no decisive victory was gained over his army. How boldly he could strike at the errors and weakness of an adversary, was shown at Trenton, Princeton and York. No general ever planned his battles more judiciously; but, in the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, he was slow at re-adjustment, if any part of his project was suddenly dislocated. Such was Washington's completeness of preparation for all contingencies, that it would be difficult to point out many examples of this deficiency. His most striking characteristic was undoubtedly prudence, never deciding without fully hearing all who were entitled to counsel, and never acting without mature consideration of every difficulty. Of fear he was incapable; his physical and moral qualities placed him far above the reach of such unworthy agitation.

The same qualities which distinguished Washington in the field, followed him into the cabinet of the statesman. His course was calm, advised and firm. He was no party man, for he was above any exclusive attachment to individuals or systems, and he had no object but the public good. Distrusting first impressions, he anxiously sought for light; his own judgment was always suspended while doubt remained; but when once fixed, he advanced to his end without regard to consequences. Popular favour was grateful to him, but he would never stoop to retain it by deserving its loss. Whenever duty required, he knew how to hazard all in the dangerous contest with temporary prejudices.

The political opinions of Washington were those of a sincere republican, who anxiously wished the people to enjoy the largest practicable share of self government. Though frequently classed among the federalists, we have Mr. Jefferson's testimony that he was no adherent to their party principles. His firm resolution was frequently expressed, that our constitution should have a fair trial, and that in support of it he would spend the last drop of his blood. The sovereignty of good laws appeared to him the first consideration; and he held monarchists and factious demagogues to be equally removed from true patriots.

If the greatness of human character is to be estimated by the solid monuments it has raised, there is no name in all history to compare with Washington's. When it is asked how national independence was achieved-how the sickle of the husbandman could overcome the sword of the soldier-how our distressed armies could escape the foe's superiority, and finally triumph over his pride and power, all point to the valour and Fabian prudence of the commander-in-chief. The inquirer then turns to the birth of the American union, he admires the order that sprang from chaos, the firm foundations that were laid with crumbling materials, and he is again referred to the first president of the United States. To his virtue, firmness and wisdom is due the successful impulse of republican government, the benefits of which, like those of nature's sun, will be felt long after men have ceased to admire its splendour and wonderful conception.

Such was George Washington, "whose character was in its mass perfect, in nothing bad, in few points indifferent; and it may truly be said that never did nature and fortune. combine more perfectly to make a man great, and to place him in the same constellation with whatever worthies have merited from mankind an everlasting remembrance." To this eloquent testimonial of Mr. Jefferson, let us add that of his great political rival, John Adams. The example of Washington is now complete; it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens and men, not only in the present age, but in future generations as long as our history shall be read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists or historians."* LAUSSAT.

WASHINGTON CITY, the seat of the general government of the United States, is situated in the district of Columbia, on the eastern bank of Potomac river, above the mouth of the East Branch, at the head of tide water; it stands on a series of hills of moderate elevation. N. lat. 38° 53', and long. W. from the Royal Observatory at Greenwich 76° 55', and from the Royal Observatory at Paris 79° 15′ W. The extreme eastern point of the United States, or the eastern point of Manan Island, is, according to Tanner's Map of the United States, 10° 17′ E. of Washington. Upon the same authority, the north point of Queen Charlotte's Island on the Pacific ocean is 55° 56′ W. from Washington City.

The site of Washington is a real basin environed by gently swelling hills, which give it the appearance of occupying the centre of a vast amphitheatre. The soil is generally sterile, admixed with rounded pebbles and sand. If we regard the natural boundaries, we may consider Washington as limited by Rock creek on the N. W., Potomac river S. W. and S.; the East Branch S.E. and E., and on the other side by a range of hills. Length from southeast to northwest four and a half miles, with a mean breadth of two and a half miles, or a small fraction above nine and a half square miles. That part at present occupied by houses, bears but a small proportion to the extent laid out into building lots, with their avenues and streets. The greater part of the buildings are at the navy yard, and along or contiguous to Pennsylvania avenue, including Capitol Hill, the distance being about four and a half miles from East Branch to Rock creek. If compactly built, the whole existing edifices, both public and private, would, it is believed, not occupy more than one mile in length by half a mile in breadth.

That portion of territory composing the district of Columbia, was ceded to the United States by the states of Virginia and Maryland; the ground on which the city stands being within the cession of the latter state. The proprietors of the soil surrendered their lands, to be laid out as a city, and gave up one half thereof to the United States, to be sold to raise funds for the erection of the public buildings.

The plan of the city was formed under the direction of George Washington, then President of VOL. XVIII.-PART II.

the United States, by Pierre C. L'Enfant, in the year 1791.

The positions for the different public edifices, and for the several open squares and areas, as laid down by Andrew Ellicott, were determined on as well for the extensive prospects which they commanded, as by their susceptibility of improvements, either for use or ornament.

Streets running north and south are crossed by others running east and west, whilst those which are denominated avenues traverse these rectangular divisions diagonally, and are so laid out as to afford the most direct communication between those places deemed the most important, and which at the same time offer the most agreeable prospects. Where acute angles are formed by the intersection of the avenues with the streets, there are public reservations which are to be left open, and much of the inconvenience which these intersections would otherwise produce is thus avoided.

The avenues are named after the respective states, whilst the streets are designated either numerically or alphabetically, commencing at the Capitol; those running north and south are designated by the letters of the alphabet-A north, A south, and both extend to the letter W; those running east and west of it are numbered-1st street east, 1st street west; those to the east extend to 31, and those to west to 28.

The avenues and streets leading to public places are from 120 to 160 feet wide; they are divided into footways and carriage ways, and are to have walks divided off by rows of trees; the other streets are from 70 to 110 feet wide; the avenues and streets of 100 feet and upwards have footways of 20 feet; under 100 and over 80 they have footways of 17 feet; streets under 80 feet have 12 feet footways; and the centre of the pumps, hydrants, and trees, on all the streets, must be placed four feet outside of the curb-stone. The principal part of the city was graduated by the surveyors, and recorded, before any buildings were erected; there is now a city surveyor, whose duty it is to give the proper graduations and outlines of lots, as recorded, to persons desirous of building, and for his certificate thereof he is allowed a fee.

The buildings belonging to the United States 4 D*