into life, and luxuriantly developed by his accession to power, and by the electric influence of mighty events.

In the autumn of 1825, Alexander went to Taganrog, a port on the sea of Azoff, for the benefit of his own declining health, and that of his wife the Empress Elizabeth. His condition was soon aggravated by an attack of the Crimean fever, and, after a short illness, he breathed his last. During the various stages of his malady-as no telegraph of any kind had then been introduced into Russia-couriers were dispatched at least once a day from Taganrog to St. Petersburg, with bulletins from the physicians, announcing the state of the Emperor's health. About twelve hours before his death, a remarkable amelioration in his disease was apparent, and the intelligence was immediately announced to the Imperial family. soon as it reached the capital, a thanksgiving service was ordered in the chapel of the palace, at which the Empressmother, Nicholas, the rest of the family, and a few of the most intimate attendants on the Court, were present. On this occasion, Nicholas, for the first time probably, exhibited that devotion to his family and his country, and those energetic traits of character, which had hitherto escaped even the watchful eye of his fond mother.

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Scarcely had the service begun, when another courier arrived with the tidings of the Emperor's death. The dispatch, whose contents were anticipated by the ominous black seal, was handed at once to Nicholas. He stepped to the priest, and the Te Deum was interrupted. The Empress-mother, who was seated in a chair near the altar, understood the meaning of the interruption, and fainted on the spot. Restored to consciousness, she exclaimed, "Poor Russia," probably distrusting the good faith of Constantine's resignation, and dreading a bloody strife between the brothers, with the inevitable consequence of civil war. Nicholas instantly beckoned to the priest, and ordering him to bring the Gospel and the Cross before his mother, immediately took the oath of allegiance to his elder brother, then residing in Warsaw. The mournful news was directly forwarded from Taganrog to Constantine. Its reception placed him in a painful dilemma. For nearly two days he hesitated to confirm his re

signation, and to relinquish forever the hope of wearing the Russian crown. His better genius at length prevailed, and he sent his final decision to St. Petersburg, with his oath of allegiance to his brother Nicholas. Previously, however, in accordance with a senatorial ukase, the oath of allegiance to Constantine had been taken by the authorities in St. Petersburg, and in other parts of the Empire.

The discontented spirits in the capital, who had been seeking the opportunity for an outbreak, endeavored to take advantage of the occasion for the furtherance of their schemes. The mass of the people and of the soldiers were thrown into a state of dismal perplexity. Nicholas was represented as a usurper. Public feeling was excited against him, although the conspiracy, in fact, was directed, not against his person, but against the principle of autocracy. The insurrection broke out on the very day that was appointed for taking the oath of allegiance to the new Emperor. It was headed by several officers of the Guards, whose influence with the soldiery gained them over to the movement. The details of this unfortunate enterprise are generally familiar to the public; but the following incident has never before appeared in print.

The rendezvous of the Guards for paying their salute to Nicholas, on his accession to the Crown, was on the immense square before the Imperial Palace. It had been already rumored that some of the regiments in the barracks had determined not to take the oath. The people were roused to a high pitch of excitement in regard to the alleged usurpation, and began to gather in dark and threatening groups. The staff of the Emperor, with his aides-de-camp, many of whom commanded different regiments, went to the barracks to summon the soldiers to the rendezvous. Nicholas, accompanied only by a single person, the Baron Dellingshausen, a captain in the guards, appeared on the peristyle of the palace, to meet the people. The cry tumultuously arose from the crowd-" You are not the lawful Czar; you ought not to wrong your brother!" Nicholas stood calmly before the frantic multitude, and attempted to give a true explanation of the case. Different battalions, chiefly composed of the conspirators, already stood on the opposite side, shouting the name of Constantine

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and of "Constitution," which, following the instructions of the officer, they believed to be the name of his wife. of the generals, Baron Fredericks, who commanded a regiment of the Emperor's body-guard, had been wounded at the barracks. The colonel commanding under him, a Swiss, named Stuerler, was killed on the spot, by a stroke of the sword in the hands of Prince ShepineRostoffsky, a captain of a company, and one of the leading conspirators. The general was brought into the palace senseless, with the gaping wound in his throat, and carried before the Emperor. At the same moment a company of the regiment of Preobrajensky, led by captain Nassacken, marched rapidly towards the peristyle, halted at the distance of some thirty yards, and loaded their pieces at the command of the offi

cer.

For Nicholas, it was a moment of terrible suspense. He could not avoid the presumption that the soldiers before him were a band of armed conspirators. Turning quickly to Dellingshausen, he said, "I remain where I am. Do you go into the palace, and tell the Empress to conceal the hereditary Grand Duke." In the midst of personal danger, it was his principal care to preserve the life of the legitimate and direct successor to the throne. Dellingshausen went into the palace as directed, while the Czar remained alone to face the gathering tempest. The company of soldiers, after loading their pieces, resumed their precipitate march, penetrated the crowd, cleared the space before the peristyle, formed in a square, and turned their bayonets against the multitude. It was only then that Nicholas became aware of the friendly intention of the soldiers, who were the first to hasten to his rescue from the infuriated populace.

Upon the arrival of the loyal regiments at the Palace, they drew up in line, opposite the insurgents-the Czar, was again surrounded by a numerous staff, including all the generals in command, and the Grand Duke Michael, galloped off to the revolted troops, to demand an explanation of their conduct. The grenadiers of the body-guard, supposed to be the most determined in their disaffection, on being asked, "What are you doing, boys?" presented arms, saying, "We revolt, your Imperial Highness." Such were the elements at work.

The movement was soon suppressed. In justice to Nicholas, it must be said, that, he endeavored to avoid bloodshed, to the last extremity. He first ordered the artillery to fire over the heads of the the masses. This attempt proved ineffectual and he was vehemently urged by his brother, and the generals, to hesitate no longer. A second volley was fired killing and wounding about four hundred of the insurgents. They now scattered in every direction. They were not hotly pursued, and succeeded in making their escape. At a subsequent period, the principal leaders of the revolt, were brought to trial, before a special board of military Commissioners, and the different sentences, pronounced by them, were not set aside by the Emperor.

The accession of Nicholas to power, was, accordingly, by a thorny and bloodstained path. But from the very commencement of his reign, he resolved to present an example of governing the country by absolute will, without the ceremony of a constitution. His faith in the principle of autocracy, was boundless. He aimed at once to efface from the memory of his people, the tragic circumstance which inaugurated his reign. Every branch of the government was burdened with colossal abuses. Some of these abuses were inherent in the principle of despotism, but the greater number of them were the effect of maladministration. The youthful Czar engaged in the work of reform, with energy and self-devotion. For months he labored with such intensity, as to impair his eye-sight. He endeavored to surround himself with new men-men, who were distinguished in public opinion, as well as at court, for their talents and integrity. The various branches of the administration, were entrusted to such persons. wished to employ them in the higher departments of the Government, replacing the men of mere routine and tradition, with younger and more gifted individuals. But his judgment of character was far from infallible-in fact, he had little insight into human nature, and hence, though sometimes successful in the choice of his servants, he was often deceived by bold and ambitious pretenders. From this defect of perception, he never wholly recovered. He was obliged to make his selection from a comparatively limited number of

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persons. In Russia, the administration is exclusively in the hands of the nobility, who, in respect of social and official position, are divided into fourteen classes. As a general rule, each class corresponds with a certain office, which cannot be filled by a person belonging to a higher or lower class. Promotion from one step to another in this scale, depends on the length of active service in each class; and accordingly the higher offices are bestowed in proportion to age, rather than to capacity. Senility is thus made to command a premium.

Nicholas perceived the disastrous effects of such an organization, and soon after his accession to the throne, attempted to make every office dependent on an examination as to character and

ability. But this reform, like many others, died in embryo. Still, he subjected the machinery of State to a partial, and, of course, somewhat superficial re-organization. But on the whole, he may justly be called a reformer, and, indeed, in many respects, is entitled to the name of a creator. He eradicated many evils, or at least changed their forms and mitigated their effects. On the other hand, however, he spread the seeds of new evils, which, in some cases, were no less deleterious in their action than those which they supplanted. His intentions, it cannot be denied, were noble and elevated. In judging of their character, we should regard them from his own point of view. They always proceeded from deep and conscientious convictions. He executed many judicious reforms, while he abandoned others almost the moment after their conception. This vacillation in his policy forms one of the most remarkable features of his reign. Many of his best designs were frustrated by the cold and sullen opposition of those by whom he was surrounded. His own indecision added to the difficulty of execution. In the beginning of his reign, he proposed to alleviate the censorship of foreign and domestic publications, and to enlarge the freedom of the press. But in the course of his administration, the censorship became more severe than before. He was deeply convinced of the paralyzing influence of serfdom upon the national welfare and development. He sincerely desired its abolition, or at least, its essential modification. Yet serfdom survives him, subject to the same conditions as when he ascended

the throne.

Nicholas wished to transform the serfs into owners of homesteads, on conditions not burdensome to them, or ruinous to the nobility, who heretofore had enjoyed absolute possession of the soil. He issued a ukase on this subject, but its provisions were never carried into effect. Afterwards, he proposed to secure the homestead as a dependence on the landlord, submitting the relations between proprietors and laborers to stringent rules, and placing every detail under the safeguard of the law. With this view he published a ukase concerning inventories, or the labor due from the serf to the proprietor, stating the remuneration to be received by the farmer in arable land, pasturage, houses, cattle, and the like; but this ukase also failed to be put into execution.

The principal cause of this apparent unsteadiness of purpose in Nicholas was a deficiency of intellectual power. He was able to conceive and comprehend the general features of any important combination-in this respect, he was superior to all the Russian nobleinen in his councils, as well as to all contemporary sovereigns-but he had not the capacity to disentangle and master the details of a project, so as to complete its practical realization. For this, he was obliged to depend almost entirely upon his ministers and other official functionaries. But they were usually opposed to his plans, and would lend no aid to their accomplishment. The nar

rowness of their mental vision, their long-cherished prejudices, their dread of innovation, and their attachment to the ancient, musty routine, forbade them to sympathize with his purposes, and arrayed them in hostility to his suggestions. No one, not even the most bitter enemy of Nicholas, can call in question his good intentions, or deny that he aimed at the highest good of his Empire. He wished to develop the intellectual powers of the nation, as well as to expand its immeasurable resources of a material character. But he attempted an impossibility in excluding from the motive powers, by which he would act on mind and matter, the most inspiring principle of human action-the love of liberty. In his opinion, Russia was never to throw off the swaddlingclothes of infancy. He committed numerous blunders-some of them proceeding from his temper, others from the

defects of his intellect; but they are chiefly to be ascribed to the impossibility of combining progressive civilization with the principle of authority, or worse still, with the exercise of privilege.

It is beyond the scope of this article to unfold the successive acts and events of his reign, or to trace the steps by which his character became tempered to the hardness of steel. Everything tended to inspire Nicholas with a sense of his own infallibility. He became dogmatic in judgment and arbitrary in will. His capacities gained new strength by exercise, his devotion to business increased his knowledge of affairs, and all his resources were conscientiously devoted to the administration of the government. Still he often proved unequal to the task. In the early portion of his reign, he consulted freely with his ministers and favorites, relying, in a great degree, on their opinions, and permitting himself to be guided by their superior information and experience. But, subsequently, he grasped the reins of empire with a strong hand, making use of his advisers as instruments to accomplish his plans. In this respect, he followed the example of Louis XIV. in his advanced age.

Among the most important acts of his government, was the formation of a systematic legal code, together with the melioration of the criminal law, including the abolition of the knout as a mode of punishment. In his principles of political economy, he was a decided protectionist. The prosperity of Russia was greatly promoted under this system, and to its early adoption she is now indebted for her power to resist the combined resources of the coalition. He organized the army, and in fact, created the navy. His time was principally occupied with the details of the military organization and the foreign policy of the government. He wished to reduce the whole nation to the strictness of military rule, believing that this would be the most effectual check to the progress of a free spirit among the younger portions of the population. Thus, he ordered the pupils in the gymnasiums and universities to wear uniform, and placed these institutions under the superintendence of military men. The medical and surgical schools in St. Petersburg were entirely under the control of the Minister of War. The department of civil engineering, the

construction of roads and canals of every description, the working of the mines, and the charge of public buildings, were all subjected to military regulations. Nicholas, himself, planned and directed the construction of various fortresses in person. He also cherished a strong predilection for architecture. He built several magnificent edifices; for example, the Church of St. Isaac. He restored and embellished the Kremlin, and various other palaces, in St. Petersburg and Moscow, and in other towns of the Empire. Nearly all the architectural plans of public edifices, especially in the cities which were the seats of any administrative departments, were submitted to his inspection and approval.

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The first trial of his autocratic principles, in relation to the general policy of Europe, was occasioned by the revolution of 1830, and the insurrection of Poland. Nicholas was crowned as King of Poland, in Warsaw, in the year 1829. He took the constitutional oath, and accepted the position conscientiously; but, doubtless, not very willingly. He decided to give a faithful adherence to the Constitution, as it had been transmitted to him by his predecessor. main guaranties, such as the liberty of the press, personal freedom, the publicity of the deliberations of the Diet, and many others, had been successively violated since 1819, by the Emperor Alexander, and his obsequious agent in Poland, the Grand Duke Constantine. To all these encroachments, the nation submitted silently, though sullenly. The conspiracy, discovered in the year 1825, was not caused by the violation of the Constitution, but aimed at the restoration of ancient Poland. The nation at large, accordingly, did not utter any protest against the arbitrary changes in the Constitution. The immediate functionaries who introduced these violations, were Poles; men high in office, and most of them belonging to families of the highest distinction in the kingdom. Their influence produced a strong effect on public opinion. The ViceKing, his council, the council of state, and every minister, down to the lowest official, were all Poles, as not a single Russian, at that time, could have been employed. Nicholas took this mutilated Constitution as he found it. He opened the Diet in person, strictly enjoining on the Polish ministers-who had, hereto

fore, tasted the delights of exercising arbitrary power-a severe observance of the law. He attempted, as far as possible, to mitigate the rage of his elder brother Constantine, who had been the real, if not the official ruler of Poland. As a compensation for his resigning the Imperial crown, Constantine claimed the uncontrolled sovereignty of that country.

Upon the breaking out of the insurrection in 1830, Nicholas did not hesitate, for a moment, to exercise all the power at his command for its suppression. The protracted issue of the struggle, which at one time, really menaced the position of Russia in Europe, aroused the wrath of Nicholas against the Constitution. Victorious in the end, he set aside the Constitution forever, but alleged the declaration of independence by the Poles as the cause of its suppression. He determined to incorporate this ill-fated nation with the Russian Empire, absorbing its existence in that vast political body. He, however, made a distinction, between the Polish insurrection, and the Russian revolt of 1825. The Russians he considered as his born subjects, and accordingly punished them with greater severity. But as the Poles were brought under the Imperial scepter by political events, their offense was visited with a comparatively lenient retribution. Of the principal Russian conspirators five were hung in St. Petersburg, while not a single Pole was put to death for the insurrection of 1830. It is true that most of the leaders had time to escape to other countries, and two hundred and sixty-seven were condemned to death for "contumacy;" but still several of the chiefs were captured, and among them, Lieutenant Wysocky, the originator and head of the whole conspiracy. His sentence was commuted by Nicholas to transportation for life; and he is still living in Siberia, near the frontier of China, where he owns large tracts of land, and has established a very lucrative manufacture of soap and candles. In the course of years, several small outbreaks of a guerilla character, followed the great insurrection. A few Russians were killed unawares; and on account of the treacherous and sanguinary nature of these outrages, their perpetrators were instantly shot. It must be said, in justice to Nicholas, that during his whole reign, not more than 400 VOL. V.-38

Poles, at the utmost, were transported to Siberia-some of them for life, and others for a limited time. Although this number is considerable, it still falls short of the current representations in regard to the enormous masses of the transported. These unhappy victims were scattered over the portions of Siberia, that were capable of being cultivated, and now form agricultural and manufacturing colonies.

Among all the Russian ministers and statesmen, Nicholas alone cherished no hatred or animosity toward the Poles. He, indeed, regarded the restoration of the Constitution, or of the distinct nationality of Poland, as an impossible concession; but, in every other respect, he always placed the Poles on an equal footing with the native Russians. The departments of public service were all freely opened to them-he cheerfully consulted their wants and promoted their interests-in spite of the opposition and ill-will of his Russian counselors. He had not the slightest tincture of the Know Nothing sentiment in regard to the Poles or their country. He was no less solicitous for the material prosperity of Poland than of Russia. In this respect even more was done for the former than for his own nation. was a common remark with him, "that he should allow Poland fifty years to become accustomed to her new political position."

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After the convulsions of 1830, Nicholas grew more and more decided in his autocratic convictions. He adopted the belief that he was destined by Providence to be the defender of legitimacy in Europe. He carried out this belief to its logical conclusions, with his usual stern adherence to an idea. In spite of his antipathy to all constitutional forms, he was willing to accept them rather than to permit the violation of the direct rights of a reigning dynasty. He, accordingly promptly recognized the Constitutional Government of Donna Maria of Portugal, considering Don Miguel as a lawless conspirator. But he never assented to the changes which took place in Spain, after the death of Ferdinand VII., as Don Carlos, in his opinion, was the rightful sovereign; and as yet no diplomatic intercourse exists between Madrid and St. Petersburg. For the same reason, he was never reconciled to Louis Philippe, and would even have preferred a