tricate, unequal, and ill-digested. It is to be hoped the present Legislature will devise some method for a simpler and juster allotment of these burdens.

I shall urge upon the General Assembly the passage of legislation necessary for carrying into effect the provisions of the Constitution of the State. The benefits of some of the most salutary sections of that instrument have not been secured by the people, because of the failure of the Legislature to pass the laws needed for its complete enforcement. The care bestowed by the convention in framing the Constitution, and the large majority of votes cast for it when before the people for adoption, should have inspired their representatives in the Assembly to prompt action in passing the measures needed to give it full effect. Particularly should this have been done since the instrument itself enjoins the Legislature so to do, and their official oaths pledge them to its support, obedience, and defense. When the people adopted the Constitution they sanctioned its wisdom. It then became the supreme law of the State, and the highest exposition of the will of the people, ascertained in the most sacred way known to democratic governments. It does not become the representatives of the people to question or evade such a law. Their single duty is to obey it.

Some of the sections of the Constitution from which most good was expected, and most could be secured, have, as yet, yielded no measure of benefit, or left any visible effect. This is particularly true of Article XVII of that instrument, regulating railroad and canal companies. By tacit consent, a construction of that Article has been acquiesced in by which the great corporate bodies of the State have escaped its limitations, and been exempted from its provisions. They have violated in constantly, defiantly, and flagrantly. The people are entitled to have at least a fair trial made of their ability to bring the vast corporations they have created and fostered under their just regulation

and control. More than this is not contended for in Article XVII of the Constitution. It commands nothing but what is right, and forbids nothing but what is clearly wrong. It simply requires corporations to act justly and treat all the people alike, with uniformity, fairness, and impartiality. It prohibits unfair discrimination against persons or places, forbids extortion, and seeks to prevent monopolies and compel the creatures of the law, who owe their breath to the people, to be law-obedient, and not use their granted powers to harass and oppress. The same Article specially commands the Legislature to enforce its provisions by "appropriate legislation." Surely an honest effort should be made to give adequate effect to so wise and just a section of the fundamental law.

This leads me to say that, in my judgment, there is much to be done, in the way of legislation, to prevent the power of corporations from becoming too vast and irresponsible. They are a new element in our modern civilization. They have outgrown the most sanguine expectation in their development, and have introduced new evils, as well as new benefits, into our system. Their influence has extended itself into almost every department of business and of life. Their motions not only affect the great centers of money and of trade, but the minutest affairs of individuals are affected by their caprice. Thousands of laborers look to them for employment, and depend alone upon their determination for the measure of hire. The price of the necessaries of life, too, is often regulated by their will. All this is an exhibition of power not contemplated in their creation, which had in view solely the public interest and general good. The existence of such power in any combination of men is to be deplored, and, if possible, prevented; or, at least, regulated and controlled. It is idle to lament this condition of affairs, unless something is done to correct it.

It is vain for those in authority to shut their eyes to the fact that something must be done to bring into proper regulation the corporations of the country, and adjust, upon some fair and reasonable basis, the contentions between these objects of the bounty of the State and the people.

At the proper time I may transmit to the Assembly some further suggestions upon this subject, with, possibly, some formulated thoughts. Meantime it may be said, that in the settlement of matters of this kind, much depends upon the temper each party brings to the controversy. If passion shall rule, then will no good be accomplished; but rather evil to all. But if justice shall be the guide, and her principles the criterion, then there can be no doubt of equitable conclusions and satisfactory determinations. The people I am convinced, ask for nothing unreasonable, if their fundamental law is the expression of their demands. It is the sworn duty of the Assembly, and all in authority, to protect and defend that charter of the people's rights.

Competing telegraph companies have consolidated in open violation of law, and to public detriment. Citizens of the Commonwealth have recently invoked the interposition of the State authorities to prevent the continuance of this flagrant wrong. It is to be hoped the proceedings thus inaugurated will result in the vindication of the Constitution, and establish the adequacy of its powers. Corporate lawlessness must be made as amenable to punishment as personal lawless

ness.

With the augmentation of corporate power has arisen, also, other large accumulations of capital, devoted to various forms of industry. Our own State, in the development of its peculiar sources of mineral wealth, is exceptionally prominent in this respect. These accumulations of corporate and other capital

invested in business enterprises, employ armies of workmen concentrated at single establishments. From this has arisen contests between those who pay and those who receive wages. In recent years these conflicts have been of frequent occurrence throughout the entire country, and have often resulted in violence, not only to the public peace, but to person and property. A continual, though irregular, struggle is now, and has for years been, going on between these two conflicting elements. Complaints of injustice are constantly being made by one against the other, and each in turn appeals to the State for remedial legislation. Such appeals should not be unheeded, but should be attentively listened to and carefully considered. These questions, at times, have threatened to become a formidable element in our politics, and a disturbing factor in our elections. This is not as it should be, and nothing but evil can result from the intermingling of such matters. It gives excuse for reckless demagogues to ply their vocation, exposes labor to debasement from the intrigues of politicians, and injects rashness and passion into a discussion which has peculiar need for calmness, deliberation, and dispassionate reason. For government to shut its eyes and close its ears to the complaints and petitions of any body of its citizens is folly. Such a course corrects nothing and settles nothing. Particularly should heed be given to the appeals of so large and important a part of the community as those depending for subsistence upon the wages of toil. Labor is the main pillar of the State. As an honored statesman of our country has said: "Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the highest consideration." But the consideration given to such matters should be deliberate and searching, and the relief thorough and systematic, if it is to be lasting and effectual. I cannot but indulge the belief that our political system is capable of pro

viding some other remedy than the bayonet for the settlement of such disputes. Our form of government, I have no doubt, is competent to deal with this matter fairly and effectively, without injustice to the rights or interests of either party to the controversy. Upon the wisdom of the legislative department rests, in the first instance, the responsibility for a proper solution of this question.

The Assembly has, also, failed to enforce by appropriate legislation a number of other provisions of the Constitution, and pass laws, the enactment of which is enjoined by that instrument.

The salaries of certain judges of the Commonwealth have not been fixed by the Legislature, and they have been receiving compensation almost without authority of law, and by the sufferance of the accounting officers.

The Assembly at its last session, though prolonged beyond precedent, and at great expense to the Commonwealth, failed to apportion the State into legislative and congressional districts, though the Constitution commands that such apportionment shall be made "immediately after each United States Decennial Census." There was not even an attempt made to obey this injunction. Such default is inexcusable. It is the duty of the present Legislature to promptly perform this neglected duty.

The Assembly will not be called to act upon a more important measure during its session than that of the apportionment. It touches government in its most vital parts. Fair and just representation to all sections of the State underlies the whole fabric of our political system. It is the corner-stone of our government. Considerations of party, of factions, of locality, or of individuals have nothing to do with the subject of apportionment. This duty should be performed by the Legislature upon uniform and just principles. There should not be one rule for one part of