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CHAP. II. ments for and against accepting the appointment which was so seriously pressed upon him. That the proposed convention was, in any point of view in which it could be placed, an object of the first magnitude, appeared to him to be undeniable. It was apparent that the actual government could not exist much longer without additional means. It was therefore necessary to meet the solemn question whether it ought to be supported or annihilated. Those who embraced the former part of the proposition, must contemplate the convention as the only remaining experiment from which the federal government could derive powers sufficiently ample for its preservation. Those who embraced the latter, who thought that on a full and dispassionate revision of the system, its continuance would be adjudged impracticable or unwise, could not hesitate to admit that their opinion would derive great additional weight from the sanction of so respectable a body as that which was about to assemble: and that in such an event, it was greatly desirable, and would afford some security against civil discord, to put the public in possession of a plan prepared and digested by such high authority. "I must

candidly confess," he added, in a letter to colonel Humphries, a gentleman of whose judgment and friendship he entertained a high opinion, "as we could not remain quiet more than three or four years in time of peace, under the constitutions of our own choosing, which were believed in many states to have been formed with deliberation and wisdom, I see little prospect either of our agreeing

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on any other, or that we should remain long CHAP. II. satisfied under it, if we could. Yet I would wish any thing and every thing essayed to prevent the effusion of blood, and to avert the humiliating and contemptible figure we are about to make in the annals of mankind!"

No person gave to the object more importance, and no one desired more ardently that the experiment might be completely successful than himself. Nor was it possible to believe that its success would not be promoted by his support. But the objections to his yielding to the wishes of its advocates were entitled to the most serious consideration. In addition to that which grew out of his connexion with the cincinnati, and to the reluctance with which he could permit himself to be drawn on any occasion into a political station, there were others which could not be disregarded. By many, a convention not originating in a recommendation of congress, was deemed an illegiti mate meeting; and as the New England states had neglected the invitation to appear by their representatives at Annapolis, there was reason to apprehend they might be equally inattentive to the request now made them to assemble at Philadelphia. To appear in a public character, for a purpose not generally deemed of the utmost importance, would not only be unpleasant to himself, but might diminish his capacity to be useful on occasions which subsequent events might produce. "If" said he in a private letter to a military friend, who had been a member of his family, "this second attempt to convene the states for the purposes

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CHAP. II. proposed by the report of the partial representa1783 tion at Annapolis in September, should also prove 1787. abortive, it may be considered as unequivocal evidence that the states are not likely to agree on any general measure which is to pervade the union, and of course, that there is an end of the federal government. The states which make this last dying essay to avoid this misfortune would be mortified at the issue, and their deputies would return home chagrined at their ill success and disappointment. This would be a disagreeable circumstance to any one of them, but more particularly to a person in my situation." His letters of consultation therefore, with a few confidential friends, also requested information respecting those points on which his own judgment might ultimately be formed. He was particularly desirous of knowing how the proposition made by Virginia was received in the other states, and what measures were taken to contravene, or to give it effect. With the utmost solicitude too he inquired how the members of the cincinnati would receive his appearance in convention, after declining to be rechosen the president of that society.

By the enlightened friends of the union and of republican government, the convention was generally regarded as a measure which afforded the best chance for preserving liberty and internal peace. And those whose hopes predominated over their fears, were anxious to increase the probability of deriving from it every practicable good, by retaining on the list of its members, the most conspicuous name of which America

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could boast. But this opinion was not universal. CHAP. II. Among those who felt the importance of the crisis, and who earnestly wished that a free government, competent to the preservation of the union, might be established, there were some who despaired of a favourable issue to the attempt, and who were therefore anxious to rescue their general from the increased mortification which would attend its failure, should he be personally engaged in it. They believed that all the states would not be represented in the convention. In a letter of the 20th of January 1787, colonel Humphries, who was himself under this impression, thus accounts for the omission of the federal men in the assembly of Connecticut, to press the appointment of deputies. "The reason," he said, "was a conviction that the persons who could be elected were some of the most anti-federal men in the state, who believed, or acted as if they believed, that the powers of congress were already too unlimited, and who would wish, apparently, to see the union dissolved. These demagogues," continued the letter, really affect to persuade the people (to use their own phraseology) that they are only in danger of having their liberties stolen away by an artful designing aristocracy. But should the convention be formed under the most favourable auspices, and should the members be unanimous in recommending, in the most forcible, the most glowing, and the most pathetic terms which language can afford, that it is indispensable to the salvation of the country, congress should be clothed with more ample powers, the states" he

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CHAP. II. thought "would not all comply with the recom1783 mendation. They have a mortal reluctance to divest themselves of the smallest attribute of independent separate sovereignties." After assigning many reasons against accepting the appointment, this gentleman added: "the result of the convention may not perhaps be so important as is expected, in which case your character would be materially affected. Other people can work up the present scene. I know your personal influence and character is justly considered the last stake which America has to play. Should you not reserve yourself for the united call of a continent entire ?

"If you should attend on this convention, and concur in recommending measures which should be generally adopted, but opposed in some parts of the union, it would doubtless be understood that you had in a degree pledged yourself for their execution. This would at once sweep you back inevitably into the tide of public affairs."

The same opinion was also intimated by another military friend who had always possessed a large portion of the esteem and affection of his general. After stating the various and contradictory plans of government which were suggested by the schemers of the day, he added; "you will see by this sketch, my dear sir, how various are the opinions of men, and how difficult it will be to bring them to concur in any effective government. I am persuaded, if you were determined to attend the convention, and it should be generally known, it would induce the eastern states to send delegates