the commencement of her revolutionary war; and CHAP. VII. the arguments drawn from the inconvenience to which a privation of British manufactures would expose the people at large were answered by observing..." This was not the language of America at the time of the non importation associations; this was not her language at the time of the declaration of independence. Whence then this change of American sentiment? has America less ability than she then had? is she less prepared for a national trial than she then was? this cannot be pretended. There is, it is true, one great change in her political situation. America has now a funded debt: she had no funded debt at those glorious epochs. May not this change of sentiment, therefore, be looked for in her change of situation in this respect? may it not be looked for in the imitative sympathetic organization of our funds with the British funds? may it not be looked for in the indiscriminate participation of citizens and foreigners in the emoluments of the funds? may it not be looked for in the wishes of some to assimilate the government of the United States to that of Great Britain? or at least, in wishes for a more intimate connexion?

"If these causes exist, it is not difficult to find the source of the national debility. It is not difficult to see that the interests of the few, who receive and disburse the public contributions, are more respected than the interests of the great majority of the society, who furnish the contributions. It is not difficult to see that the government instead of legislating for a few millions, is legis

CHAP. VII. lating for a few thousands; and that the sacredness 1794. of their rights is the great obstacle to a great national exertion."

The present time was declared to be peculiarly favourable to the views of the United States. It was only while their enemy was embarrassed with a dangerous foreign war, that they could hope for the establishment of just and equal principles.

The national character of America was said to depend on the passage of the resolutions. Their rejection would make a very unfavourable impression abroad, and would rivet on her commerce those fetters which had produced such numerous and injurious consequences to the country.

In addition to Mr. Smith of South Carolina, the resolutions were opposed by Mr. Smith of Maryland, Mr. Goodhue, Mr. Lea, Mr. Dexter, Mr. Ames, Mr. Dayton, Mr. Hartley, Mr. Tracy, Mr. Hillhouse, Mr. Forest, Mr. Fitzsimmons and Mr. Foster.

If, it was said, the United States had sustained political wrongs from Great Britain, they should feel as keenly as any persons for the prostrated honour of their country, but this was not the mode of redressing them. When that subject should be brought before congress, they would not be slow in taking such resolution as the actual state of things might require. But they did not approve of retaliating injuries under the cloak of commercial regulations. Independent of other objections, it would derogate from the dignity of the American character.

The resolutions, it was said, ought to be con. CHAP. VII templated commercially, and the influence they 1794. would probably have on the United States, deliberately weighed. If they were adopted, it ought to be because they would promote the interests of America, not because they would benefit one foreign nation, and injure another. It was an old adage that there was no friendship in trade. Neither ought there to be any hatred. These maxims should not be forgotten in forming a judgment on the propositions before the committee. Their avowed objects were to favour the navigation and the manufactures of the United States, and their probable operation on these objects ought to be considered.

It had been said that the American tonnage ought to bear the same proportion to the foreign tonnage employed in her trade, as exists between the bulk of her exports and imports. But the correctness of this principle was not admitted. The fact was otherwise, and it was not believed to be an evil.

Great Britain carries for other nations from necessity. Her situation is calculated for navigation. Her country is fully peopled, so full that the ground is not sufficient to furnish bread for the whole. Instead therefore of ploughing the earth for subsistence, her subjects are obliged to plough the ocean. The defence of their coasts has been another cause which obliges them to abandon the more lucrative pursuits of agriculture, to provide for their defence. They have been compelled to sacrifice profit to safety.

CHAP. VII.

The United States possessed a fertile, extensive, 1794. and unsettled country; and it might well be questioned how far their real interests would be promoted by forcing a further acceleration of the growth of their marine, by impelling their citizens from the cultivation of the soil to the navigation of the ocean. The measures already adopted had been very operative, and it was by no means certain that an additional stimulus would be advantageous. The increased duty on foreign tonnage, and on goods imported in foreign bottoms, had already been attended with sensible effects. In 1790, the American tonnage was one half the whole tonnage employed in their trade: in 1791 it was three fifths: in 1792 it had inereased to two thirds. This growth was believed

act.

to be sufficiently rapid. It was more rapid than the growth of British tonnage had ever been under the fostering care of their celebrated navigation Let the existing system be left to its natural operation, and it was believed that it would give to the United States that share in the carriage of their commodities which it was their interest to take.

But if a different opinion prevailed, and it was conceived that additional encouragement ought to be given to navigation, then let the duty on all foreign bottoms be increased, and let the particular disabilities to which American vessels are subjected in any country, be precisely retaliated. The discriminations proposed, instead of increasing American navigation, were calculated to encourage the navigation of one foreign nation at the expense of another.

The United States did not yet possess shipping CHAP. Vп. sufficient for the exportation of their produce. 1794. The residue must reach a market in foreign bottoms, or rot upon their hands. They were progressing to a different state of things; but, in the mean time, they would pursue their interest, and employ those vessels which would best answer their purpose. The attempt to make it their interest to employ the vessels of France rather than those of Britain, by discriminating duties which must enhance the price of freight, was a premium to the vessels of the favourite nation, paid by American agriculture.

The navigation act of Great Britain had been made a subject of heavy complaint. But that celebrated act was not particularly directed against the United States. It had been brought into operation while they were yet colonies, and was not more unfavourable to them than to others. To its regulations, Great Britain was strongly attached; and it was not probable that America could compel her to relinquish them. Calculations were made on the proportion of British manufactures consumed in America, from which it was inferred that her trade, though important, was not sufficiently important to force that nation. to abandon a system which she considered as the basis of her grandeur. In the contest, considerable injury would be unquestionably sustained; and nothing was perceived in the situation of the United States which should induce them to stand forth the champions of the whole commercial world, in order to compel the change of a system,