CHAP. IX. those strong prejudices and turbulent passions 1797. with which it was assailed. Accustomed in the early part of his life to agricultural pursuits, and possessing a real taste for them, general Washington was particularly well qualified to realize, in retirement, that tranquil felicity which he had anticipated. Resuming former habits, and returning to ancient and well known employments, he was familiar with his new situation, and therefore exempt from the danger of that disappointment which is the common lot of those who retire from the toils of business or the cares of office, to enjoy, in old age, the untried pleasures of the country. A large estate, which exhibited many proofs of having been long deprived of the attentions of its proprietor, in the management and improvement of which he engaged with ardour; an extensive correspondence, and the society of men and books, gave to every hour employment which was equally innocent and interesting, and furnished ground for the hope that the evening of a life which had been devoted to the public service, would be as serene, as its mid-day had been brilliant. Though devoted to these occupations, an absolute indifference to public affairs would have been incompatible with that love of country which had essentially influenced all his conduct. Feeling strong impressions in favour of that system with regard to foreign powers which had been adopted by himself, and which was faithfully pursued by his successor, he could not be inattentive to the immense and continued exertions made by a powerful party to overturn it. Yet for a time, 1797. he sought to abstract himself from these political CHAP. IX. contests, and, as much as possible, to diminish the interest which his feelings impelled him to take in them. His letters abound in paragraphs not unlike the following. "I have confidence however in that Providence which has shielded the United States from the evils that have hitherto threatened them; and, as I believe the major part of the people of this country to be well affected to its constitution and government, I rest satisfied that, should a crisis ever arise to call forth the sense of the community, it will be strong in support of the honour and dignity of the nation. Therefore, however much I regret the opposition which has for its object the embarrassment of the administration, I shall view things in the calm light of mild philosophy,' and endeavour to finish my course in retirement and ease." But the designs of France were soon manifested in a form which, to the veteran soldier and statesman of Mount Vernon, appeared to be too dangerous as well as unequivocal, to admit the preservation of this equanimity. The motives which induced the appointment of general Pinckney as minister plenipotentiary to the French republic have been already stated. In his letter of credence, the direct object of his mission was declared to be, "to maintain that good understanding which, from the commencement of the alliance, had subsisted between the two nations; and to efface unfavourable impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that cordiality which was, at once, the evidence and pledge of a friendly union." In perfect conformity with the CHAP. IX. sentiment expressed in this letter were the instruc1797. tions by which he was to be governed. The French government refuses to receive general Pinckney as minister. In the executive of France, general Pinckney encountered dispositions of a very different character from that amicable and conciliatory temper which had dictated his mission. Having inspected his letter of credence, the directory announced to him their haughty determination "not to receive another minister plenipotentiary from the United States until after the redress of grievances demanded of the American government, which the French republic had a right to expect from it." This message was succeeded, first by indecorous verbal communications, calculated to force the American minister out of France, and afterwards, by a written mandate to quit the territories of the republic. This act of hostility was accompanied with another well calculated to explain the motives for this conduct, if previous measures had not rendered all further explanation unnecessary. On giving to the recalled minister his audience of leave, the president of the directory addressed to him a speech, in which terms of outrage to the government were mingled with expressions of affection for the people of the United States, and the expectation of ruling the former by their influence over the latter, was too clearly mani. fested not to be understood. To complete this system of hostility, American vessels were cap. tured wherever found; and, under the pretext of their wanting a document with which the treaty of commerce had been uniformly understood to dispense, they were condemned as prize. 1797. Congress is speech. This serious state of things demanded a solemn CHAP. IX. consideration. On receiving from general Pinckney the dispatches which communicated it, the president issued his proclamation requiring congress to meet on the 15th day of June. In the firm and dignified speech delivered by the chief convened, magistrate at the commencement of the session, was exhibited that sensibility which a high minded and real American might be expected to feel, while representing to the national legislature the great and unprovoked outrages of a foreign gov. ernment. Adverting to the audience of leave given by the executive directory to colonel Monroe, he said, "the speech of the president dis- President's closes sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union; and, at the same time, studiously marked with indignities towards the government of the United States. It evinces a disposition to separate the people from their gov. ernment; to persuade them that they have different affections, principles, and interests from those of their fellow citizens whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns; and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honour, character, and interest." CHAP. IX. 1797. "Retaining still the desire which had uniformly been manifested by the American government to preserve peace and friendship with all nations, and believing that neither the honour nor the interest of the United States absolutely forbade the repetition of advances for securing these desirable objects with France, he should," he said, "institute a fresh attempt at negotiation, and should not fail to promote and accelerate an accommodation on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests and honour of the nation." But while he should be making these endeavours to adjust all differences with the French republic by amicable negotiation, he earnestly recommended it to congress to provide effectual measures of defence. To carry into effect the pacific dispositions nary deputed avowed in the speech, three envoys extraordinary with France, were appointed, at the head of whom was general Three envoys extraordi to negotiate Pinckney. Their instructions conformed to the The executive of the United States had never been unwilling by treaty to place France, in respect to the right of taking enemy goods out of neutral bottoms, on the footing of the law of nations as recognized in the treaty with Great Britain. |