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he also built a mosque at Chibramau near the tomb of Sadr Jahán, the martyr, on the edge of the tank. His motto was, Hastam a2 lutf-i-Muhammadneknöm. We have seen him employed (p. 301) to extricate Káim Khán from the clutches of Sa'dat Khán Burhān-ul-Mulk at Faizábād. In 1720-1 he was appointed Amil of parganah Bhojpur, (see p. 283). 12. JAHAN KHAN. He was one of the Bakhshis, and an old chela to whom the Bibi Sahiba kept no pardah. He founded Jahānganj in pargamah Bhojpur, on the road from Farrukhābād to Chibramau, about 9 miles S. of the former place. His son, Rahmat Khán, who was Bakhshi to Nawāb Ahmad Khán, built the masjid at the Mau gate of the city. * 13. KAMAL KEIKN. He is the founder of Kamālganj on the Cawnpūr road, 9 miles south-east of Farrukhābād. In 1720-1 he had charge of Sipri and Jalaun (see p. 283). He was killed with Nawāb Káim Khán in the battle of Dauri. 14, RosPIAN KHAN. The Haiyāt Bágh and the building of the Nawáb's tomb were under his charge (see p. 337). There was a Roshamganj, named after him, somewhere on the road to Chibramau, but the site is not known. 15. DILKWAR KIIKN. He had the epithet of the “Janábi” (the southerner) and was Darogha of the Diwān Khána. He must be the same as the man styled in one place “the Aurangābādi.” 16. PURDII, KIIKN. He was a son of the Gaur Rájah of Siroli (see p. 278). He was Darogha of the camel establishments. 17. FARHR-UD-DIN KHAN. He held the office of Bakhshi of the army, and was also styled Fakhr-ud-daula. He played a prominent part on the accession of Muzaffar Jang in 1771, and was náib till his assassination a year afterwards. He is buried in the Bihisht Bágh near the Mau gate, in a separate tomb, a little to the left as you enter the gateway. 18. 'ALĀwAL KHAN. He was originally Kesri Singh, son of Chattar Singh, a Bamtela Thakur of the village of Baraun, and some of his descendants still exist in that village and Bábarpár. * This man is said to have been a bit of a wag. Once Muhammad Khān appointed him 'Amil of some parganah. On starting to take up his duties, 'Alāwal Khán mounted with his face to his horse’s tail. The Nawāb called out to ask the scoundrel what he meant by riding like that P. His answer was, “I am looking behind me to make quite sure the Nawāb Sahib is not sending off another 'Amil just behind me.” The allusion was to the frequent changes of 'Amils, no one being longer than two or three months in one pargamah. Dismissals and appointments were constantly occurring. On hearing the above answer, the Nawāb said, “Tell that buffoon that he is appointed for a year.”
19. RUSTAM. KHAN. He was killed with Káim Khán in the battle of Dauri (1748). 20. ABD-UR RAsúL KIIKN. He was killed in 1728 at the battle of Ichauli, (see p. 290). 21. HAJI SARFARKz KHAN. He was one of Ahmad Khán's Bakhshis, and he will be mentioned in the Allahābād campaign, and in the retreat to the hills. 22. JKN NISKR KHAN. He held charge of Ujain in Málwā as the deputy of Mukim Khán. Having incurred the Nawāb's displeasure he was flogged, and being very frail he died at the first stroke. 23. RAIIMAT KIIKN. There was a Rahmatganj founded by him, but its site is not known now. He was distinguished as “Sawárahwála,” and commanded a cavalry regiment. 24. KARM KHA'N. He was Darogha of the elephants; his seal bore the inscription Ba fazl-i-Muhammad Karm námdār. 25. Jow KHIR KTIAN. He was Darogha of the stables. 26. SALKBAT Khán. He was the “Mir Imārat” or superintendent of buildings. 27. SHAMSTIER KIIKN, II. He had charge of the poultry. 28. MAIITKB KHAN. Darogha of the kitchen. 29. NAMDKR KIIKN. He was a Gahilwār Thákur of the village of Chilsara, parganah Shamshābād West, and his descendants still live there. A mosque built by him still stands, and to the west of the village are the foundations of some ganj or fort once belonging to him. 30. NAMDKR KIIKN, II. 31. Sulaiman Khán. 32. Khushyál Khán. 33. Fulád Khán. 34. Nasir Khán. 35. Sherdil Khán, a converted Tomar Rajput. 36. Náhirdil Khán. 37. Hafizullah Khán. 38. Lutfullah Khán. 39. Bakhtbuland Khán. 40. Lál Khán. 41. Mashraf Khán. 42. Mubărik Khán. 43. Najm-ud-din Khán. 44. Ranmast IV him. 45. Bára Khán. 46. Pahār Khán. 47. Nakki Khán.
The Nawāb's territory. We do not know precisely how the large territory, of which Muhammad Khán was at his death de facto ruler, had been acquired. A grant in jāyir of the parganahs of Shamshābād and Bhojpur in the first year of Muhammad Sháh's reign (1719) may have formed the nucleus; as for the rest “The good old rule Sufficeth them, the simple plan, That they should take, who have the power, And they should keep who can.”
The extent of the Nawāb's dominions was popularly described by the following doggrel verse— Y Y
Miyan do àb o miyan do kāf
Shuda hasil in mulk jumla mu’áf
Ba daryáe Gang o Jaman insaráf.
There is a certain amount of exaggeration in the east and west boundaries thus given, and the parganahs across the Ganges are ignored. Taking the existing division into districts, one may say roughly that Nawāb Muhammad held the western half of the Cawnpur district, the dividing line being drawn from Bithūr on the Ganges to Musenagar on the Jamna; the whole of the Farrukhābād district ; all of the Mainpuri district except perhaps one parganah ; the whole of the Eta district, except two small parganahs in the north-west corner ; nearly one half of the Budáon district across the Ganges; and one parganah of the Sháhjahānpur district. If the Kauryaganj founded by Khán Bahádur be correctly identified with the town in the 'Aligarh district, then the Nawāb's authority did extend within twelve miles of Kol-’Aligarh. The local tradition states that parganah Márahra in the Eta district was obtained in farm from the Sayyad jagirdárs in 1738,” but the mode of acquisition was most probably a little less legal than through a farming lease. We know from the Life of Hāfiz Rahmat Khánh that Muhammad Khám held Budāon, for it was while on an expedition with the Farrukhābād ‘Amil against some zamindårs, that Dáud Khán caused Shāh Alam Khán, the father of Hāfiz Rahmat Khán, to
be assassinated. The anecdotes already given show that the Nawāb kept a very strict
watch upon his agents, moving them frequently and prohibiting them from building permanently. In this way he seems to have kept complete control over his country and his orders were implicitly obeyed. The following notices are gleaned from Sáhib Ráe's collection of the Nawáb's correspondence.
KANAUJ. In the second year of Muhammad Sháh's reign (Feb. 1720 to Jan. 1721) the faujdari of this Sarkār was in the name of the Nawāb's son, Káim Khán. Then, when Rájah Girdhar Bahádur was removed from Allahābād, he begged for a territory near his house as a residence for his dependents. The faujdari of Kanauj was then relinquished to Girdhar Bahádur. After his death it passed from one to another till the Bhadauriya Rājah obtained it. When Muhammad Khán was restored to Allahābād in the year 1148 H., he objected strongly to leaving his home country in the hands of a “hypocritical infidel.” The jūgir was therefore granted to him. The nett income he states at Rs. 8000 a year. The old summa payable to the Imperial Treasury was 35,00,000 of dām, but after enhancement it had been raised to one soror of dām.
* Gaz. IV, 158, 162. f See p. 9.
SHAHPUR. Muhammad Khán held this parganah before he went to Bundelkhand in 1139 H. (Aug. 1726–Aug. 1727). It was them resumed as part of the khálsa or crown-lands and a grant was made for only one harvest. The Nawāb held the parganah, however, for several years, after which it was again resumed. Through the intercession of Khán Daurán Khán, it was on the 10th Ramzān 1145 H. (13th Feb. 1733) granted permanently from the Rabi harvest of 1140 F. (March 1733). This being a border district, some difficulty was caused by defaulters taking refuge in the estates of Rájah Hindu Singh of Chachendi. ITAWAII. In the later years of his life Muhammad Khán was faujdír of Itáwah. He was displaced by Ráj Adhirāj Jai Singh Sawáe about 1153 H. (March 1740–March 1741). JALESAR. Through Rájah Jai Singh Sawáe, a lease in Yákut Khán's name was obtained of Kokaltásh Khán's jágirs in this parganah. This produced an objection from Nāsir-ud-daula Sádát Khān Zu’lfikár Jang, and the Emperor addressed a farmán to Muhammad Khán, dated the 2nd Zi'l Ka'd of the 24th year (30th Dec. 1741). The lease was then relinquished. SAUJ and ALT-KTIERA. The former was the jágir of 'Amir-ul-Umrå, Khán Daurán Khán ; the latter that of Farrah Khán Bahádur and Muhamdi Khán Bahádur. BARNATI SOFIKR with a revenue of ten lakhs of dām was taken on ijära or lease by Yákát Khán from the jágirdar. NIDIIPUR, AKBAR&BAD, and SIKANDARPUR are mentioned as in the possession of the Nawāb. In one year the estimated revenue of Akbarābād and Sikandarpur was put at 65,000, or at the outside 70,000 rupees. In 1146 F. (1738-9) there appears to have been a drought. KOIL and SIKANDRAEI are stated to have been in the Nawāb's possession in 1146 F. (1738-9). SAKITII must have been included in the Farrukhābād territory, since Muhammad Khān was called on to furnish an escort for treasure coming from Jinnat-ul-bulád, Bangál. The revenue of Sakith is stated to have been one lakh of rupees, besides the jágirs farmed to the faujdar of Itáwah. ICURKOLI, Kāim Khán received 17 or 18 lakhs of dām from this parganah as payment on account of the faujdari of Kanauj. SHIKOHABAD. This pargamah appears to have been held as a dependency on Itáwah, in which Karhal does not appear to have been included. BHONGA'M and TáLIGRAM were in 1726 in the jágir of Khān Daurán IKhán. ANWALAII. This parganah was at one time the jásir of ‘Umdat-ulMulk 'Amir Khán.
Muhammad Khán's wife and children. The Nawāb seems to have had but one legal wife, Málaha Báná or Rába'ha Báná, alias the Bibi Sáhiba, daughter of Kásim Khán Bangash. She has been often mentioned already, and will be often mentioned again. She had two sons, Káim Khán, the second Nawāb, and Dáim Khán, who died in childhood ; also two daughters, Roshan Jahān, wife of Roshan Khán Bangash, and another who died unmarried. She died on the 28th Zi'l Ka'd 1182 H. (5th April 1769), and was buried in a separate tomb in the Bihisht Bāgh a little to the south-west of Nawāb Ahmad Khán's mausoleum. There is a handsome masjid in the city built by her, called the Bibi Sáhiba ki masjid, and the quarter round it is known by that name. There is also a Muhalla Bibi ganj near the Mau gate. The unsettled times of the 18th century are reflected in the fact that seven sons of Muhammad Khán were killed in battle; nine died deaths of violence, and only six died a natural death. The names of the sons (whose descendants will be given in an Appendix) are as follows: 1. Káim Khán, succeeded his father as Nawāb (1743–1748) as will be related hereafter. He left no issue. 2. Ahmad Khán, succeeded in 1750 and died in 1771. 3. Muríd Khán. Full brother of Murtazza Khán (No. 4). He was killed with Káim Khán, leaving three sons. 4. Murtazza Khán. He was cut down at the order of Muzaffar Jang, son of Ahmad Khán (No. 2), and he died a prisoner in the Mubérik Mahal within the fort. He left seven sons. 5. Akbar Khán. He was killed at Sikandra Ráo (see p. 384). He left two sons. They say that the daughter of one of these sons, Khan-Khánán Khán, was betrothed to Sa'dat 'Ali, son of Shuja'-ud-daula, Nawāb Wazir, but Nawāb Ahmad Khán forbad the marriage, unless the Lakhnau family gave a wife for his son, Mahmūd Khán. 6. ’Abd-un-nabi Khán. He was killed with Káim Khán. When 'Abd-un-nabi Khán started for the campaign with Káim Jang, he sneezed as he mounted his elephant and a cat crossed his path. From these evil omens, it followed that Nawāb ‘Abd-un-nabi IChán never came back alive. His son, 'Abd-ul-Majid Khán, from that day took an aversion to the name of Sneezing and to cats. If a servant felt inclined to smeeze, he rushed out of the house, nor did any servant ever dare to utter the word “cat.” If absolutely necessary it was referred to as a “fish.” They also had strict orders never to mention any one’s death. If their master were invited to a friend’s house on his death, they told him that sugar had been tasted at a certain house, referring to the practice of pouring sugar and water down a dying man's throat. If they had to remind him of the third-day ceremonies, they would say—“To-day there is a great display (dhum-dham).”