often demonstrated in the past as to mark unerringly what it will be in the future.

The national sentiment and the national conscience were never stronger or higher than now. There has been a reunion of the people around the holy altar consecrated to country newly sanctified by common sacrifices. The followers of Grant and Lee have fought under the same flag and fallen for the same faith. Party lines have loosened and the ties of union have been rooted in the hearts of the American people.

Political passion has altogether subsided, and patriotism glows with inextinguishable fervor in every home in the land. The flag has been sustained on distant seas and islands by the men of all parties and section, and creeds, and races, and nationalities, and its stars are only those of radiant hope to the remote peoples over whom it floats.

There can be no imperialism. Those who fear it are against it. Those who have faith in the Republic are against it. So that there is universal abhorrence for it and unanimous opposition to it.

Our only difference is that those who do not agree with us have no confidence in the virtue, or capacity, or high purpose, or good faith of this free people as a civilizing agency; while we believe that the century of free government which the American people have enjoyed has not rendered them faithless and irresolute, we believe also has fitted them for the great task of lifting up and assisting to better the conditions of those distant peoples who have, through the issue of battle, become our wards.

Strive for the Noblest Ends.-Let us fear not. There is no occasion for faint hearts, no excuse for regrets. Nations do not grow in strength, and the cause of liberty and law is not advanced by the doing of easy things. The harder the task the greater will be the result, the benefit and the honor. To doubt our power to accomplish it is to lose faith in the soundness and strength of our popular institutions.

The liberators will never become the oppressors. A self-governed people will never permit despotism in any government which they foster and defend.

We have the new care and cannot shift it. And, breaking up the camp of ease and isolation, let us bravely, and hopefully, and soberly continue the march of faithful service and falter not until the work is done. It is not possible that 75,000,000 of American freemen are unable to establish liberty, and justice, and good government in our new possessions. The burden is our opportunity. The opportunity is greater than the burden. May God give us strength to bear the one and wisdom to embrace the other and to carry to our distant acquisitions the guarantees of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

THE OPEN DOOR TO TRADE IN CHINA.

BY HON. JOHN HAY,
Secretary of State.

By treaty stipulations the United States enjoys in Chinese territory and in the ports of the empire four distinct rights: (1) Exterritoriality—that is, American subjects can only be sued and tried in their own consular courts; (2) In certain ports and settlements they have a right to own property, where realty passes under consular jurisdiction; (3) their trade pays duty by a treaty which can only be altered with the consent of the United States, and these duties are collectible by a Chinese customs service in which Americans are represented by courtesy of the signatory powers; (4) the United States enjoys in China "most favored nation rights" in regard to tonnage, harbor and other dues.

The last three of these rights were placed in imminent jeopardy by the scramble of European powers for fragments of the Chinese Empire, once the prophesied disintegration should set in. The diplomatic point was to preserve them to the United States, no matter what leading nation or commercial rival might, in the partition or spoliation of China, step into authority, or wish to abrogate them. In such an event, the three rights selected are deemed sufficient to protect our vested rights in treaty settlements, of which that at Shanghai is the largest and best defined; they insure a low tariff on American imports to China whether of American origin or shipped under our flag, and they guard against discrimination either in transportation rates by road or rail, or in dues and taxes on transport.

The categorical acceptance of these rights insures the freedom of American trade in China for all time to come over the entire area of

what is now the Chinese Empire. Great Britain was first in its response and most explicit in its declaration. It accepts the principle proposed by the United States for all the leased territory it now holds at Wei-Hai-Wei, and as to all territory to come. Germany was the last to respond, and the text of its answer, so far as published, guarantees "absolute equality of treatment of all nations with regard to trade, navigation and commerce" "so long as it is not found. in the future to depart from this principle on account of consideration of reciprocity by divergence from it by other governments.”

The guarantee of equality is not precisely the same pledge as a maintenance of a treaty tariff, but as Germany is of course included in the powers which in the final dispatch are said to have "accepted the declaration suggested by the United States concerning foreign trade in China," it is clear that Germany with the rest has accepted the three points of protection for treaty rights, the treaty tariff and uniform rates for the subjects of all nations over China. This "declaration" will constitute the common datum from which all future negotiations in China will start. It creates for China, its wide territory, its great population and its growing trade, a common agreement among civilized nations which must control all their future actions.

The treaties of Vienna, Paris and Berlin were no more important in determining the mutual rights and relations of European states, or the Berlin convention for Africa. This "declaration" brings to a common basis a great body of treaties extending over half a century, defines action and limits interference with foreign commercial rights in all future acquisitions by any signatory powers, and creates a new "doctrine" for China by establishing the right of the Imperial Government to collect duties, requiring its assent to any change in the present tariff, and guaranteeing its leases of treaty "settlements."

Firmness of Our Demands.-This great service has been done by the United States for the trade and peace of the world, by the firm but amicable demand that recognized treaty rights should be accepted

as constituting, so to speak, a servitude or easement upon all Chinese territory. Once accepted by all nations, this declaration will, as past precedents show, be enforced by all nations. Important to each European nation, this concession is of paramount value to the United States, whose Pacific coast line is the greatest on that ocean, whose posts encircle and cross it, and whose trade is destined to be greater than that of any other nation. During the twentieth century this new "doctrine" established for China is destined to be as important as the Monroe Doctrine has been for the Americans in the past century. It protects the present, it safeguards the future and it establishes the United States in an impregnable position, antagonizing no nation, entangled with none and demanding for all and of all the equal rights guaranteed by past treaties and accepted by this new "declaration." Each of the powers interested-Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia, Italy and Spain-gave a formal pledge in writing as follows:

1. That it will in no wise interfere with any treaty port or any vested interest within any so-called "sphere of interest" or leased territory it may have in China.

2. That the Chinese treaty tariff of the time being shall apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such ports as are within such "spheres of influence" (unless they be "free ports") no matter to what nationality it may belong, and that duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese Government.

3. That it will levy no higher harbor dues on vessels of another nationality frequenting any port in such "sphere" than shall be levied on vessels of its own nationality, and no higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled or operated within its "sphere," or merchandise belonging to citizens or subjects of other nationalities, transported through such "sphere," than shall be levied on similar merchandise belonging to its own nationality transported over equal distances.

Gains Made by Our Treaties.-These pledges were given in each case with the understanding that they would stand if the other powers