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fatal as on the Continent. It is not, however, the less necessary to use every precaution against the further extension of this malady ; and the measures recommended by those who have had the best opportunities of observing it, as most effectual for this purpose, have been adopted. “In parts of Ireland a systematic opposition has been made to the payments of tithes, attended in some instances with afflicting results; and it will be one of your first duties to inquire whether it may not be possible to effect improvements in the laws respecting this subject which may afford the necessary protection to the Established Church, and at the same time remove the present causes of complaint. But in this, and every other question affecting Ireland, it is above all things necessary to look to the best means of securing internal peace and order, which alone seem wanting to raise a country blessed by Providence with so many natural advantages to a State of the greatest prosperity. “The conduct of the Portuguese Government, and the repeated injuries to which my subjects have been exposed, have prevented a renewal of my diplomatic relations with that kingdom. The state of a country so long united with this by the ties of the most intinate alliance must necessarily be to me an object of the deepest interest; and the return to Europe of the elder branch of the illustrious House of Braganza, and the dangers of a disputed suecession, will require my most vigilant attention to events by which not only the safety of Portugal, but the general interests of Europe may be affected. “The arrangement which I announced to you at the close of the last Session, for the separation of the States of Holland and Belgium, has been followed by a treaty between the Five Powers and the King of the Belgians, which I have directed to be laid before you as soon as the ratifications shall have been exchanged. A similar treaty has not yet been agreed to by the King of the Netherlands; but I trust the period is not distant when that Sovereign will see the necessity of acceding to an arrangement in which the Plenipotentiaries of the Five Powers have unanimously concurred, and which has been framed with the most careful and impartial attention to all the interests concerned. I have the satisfaction to inform you that I have concluded with the King of the French a convention, which I have directed to be laid before you, the object of which is the effectual sup. pression of the African slave-trade; this convention, having for its basis the concession of reciprocal rights to be mutually exercised in specified latitudes and places, will, I trust, enable the naval forces of the two conntries by their combined ef. forts to accomplish an object which is felt by both to be so important to the interests of humanity. “Regarding the state of Europe generally, the friendly assurances which I receive from Foreign Powers, and the union which subsists between me and my allies, inspire me with a confident hope that peace will not be interrupted.
“GENT LEM ex or the House of Commons,
“I have directed the estimates for the ensuing year to be prepared, and they will in due time be laid before you. I will take care that they shall be formed with the strictest regard to economy, and I trust to your wisdom and patriotism to make such provision as may be required sor the public service.
“My Lords, AND GENT LEMEN,
“The scenes of violence and outrage which have occurred in the city of Bristol and in some other places have caused me the deepest affliction. The authority of the laws must be vindicated by the punishment of offences which have produced so extensive a destruction of property, and so melancholy a loss of life; but I think it right to direct your attention to the best means of improving the municipal police of the kingdom for the more effectual protection of the public peace against the occurrence of similar commotions.
“Sincerely attached to our free Constitution, I never can sanction any interference with the legitimate exercise of those rights which secure to my people the privileges of discussing and making known their grievances; but in respecting these rights it is also my duty to prevent combinations, under whatever pretext, which in their form and character are incompatible with all regular government, and are equally opposed to the spirit and to the provisions of the law; and I know that I shall not appeal in vain to my faithful subjects to second my determined resolution to repress all illegal proceedings by which the peace and security of my dominions may be endangered.”
His Majesty then rose and retired, attended by several of the Ministers and the Great Officers of State. The Commons withdrew from the Bar, and their Lordships adjourned during pleasure. Shortly after five o'clock the House resumed.—The Lord Chancellor having read his Majesty's Speech, which was also read by one of the Clerks of the House, —Lord Camperdown rose to move the usual Address. In commenting on the several topics alluded to in the Speech, his Lordship highly eulogised the Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government for having proposed a great measure of Reform, which had the merit of reconciling the conflicting opinions of various parties of reformers, and had received the almost universal sanction of the people of England. He desired not to enter into any discussion of the measures which it was intended shortly to introduce on this subject; but it was sufficient to know, that, although some modifications might be conceded in the minor details, the whole measure would be the same in principle, and equally efficient as the last, Ministers being convinced that nothing less would satisfy the just wishes of the country. —The Address having been read by the Lord Chancellor—Lord Lyttleton rose to second it. . His Lordship strongly dwelt on the state of the public mind, urging that the events of the first French Revolution, or of Charles the First's reign, had not equalled the excitement and interest that now existed; and contending that such was the state of public opinion that nothing short of the Reform Bill which had been rejected would satisfy the country.—The Earl of Harrowby said, that when the Bill came up from the other House, he should hope it would be one they could adopt. Until that measure came
before them, he should say nothing. He would discuss it at the proper time, with a sincere desire for its adoption.—The Earl of Aberdeen offered some remarks on Portuguese affairs, observing that the injuries of which complaint had been preferred resulted from the state of public excitement, and adding that the Ministers of the Five Powers had no right to dictate to the King of the Netherlands, as it appeared they had done, in forcing him, under the bane of their high displeasure, to conform to the decision of the Conference.—The Duke of Buckingham declared that, though he was last Session vehemently opposed to the measure then introduced, i. was, as well as the Government, most anxious for the speedy and satisfactory settlement of the question, on which depended the quiet of the country and the security of the State: he would, therefore, when it came before the House, consider it with a view to the feelings of the people— with a view to that spread of education and knowledge among them which had rendered them both more alive to political matters, and more competent to understand them; but he would so consider it always subject to the principles of the Constitution.—The Earl of Eldon, in a short speech, alluded to the infamous falsehoods propagated in a paper called “The Black List,” a production which he deprecated as highly revolutionary; he considered that Ministers ought to institute a prosecution against the publishers of such a work. The Noble Earl, in allusion to the vote he had given last Session on the Reform Bill, candidly declared his willingness to revise that vote, and if he found that he had really taken a false step, to retrace it.—Earl Grey, in addressing the House, observed, in reference to the question of Reform, “any measure passed by me must be on the same principles, and equally efficient as the last.” He hoped when Noble Lords came to discuss that question, they would come unfettered, and have a full latitude for the expression of their opinions, so as they might conscientiously do their duty; and he claimed the same advantages for himself, determined to do his duty, as was, in his opinion, most conducive to the best interests of the State and the permanent security of the country. His Lordship having briefly commented upon the several other topics introduced into his Majesty's Speech, the Address was agreed to. Dec. 7.-The House met at one o'clock, for the purpose of proceeding to St. James's with the Address, and shortly afterwards the Lord Chancellor, the Mover and Seconder of the Address, the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Shaftesbury, and other Peers, carried up the Address to the Sovereign. Dec. 8. The Lord Chancellor read his Majesty's Answer to the Address, which
was ordered to be entered on the Journals of the House.—Lord Ellenborough, in moving for returns relative to the Charter and the affairs of the East India Company, expressed his surprise at the total silence of the King's Speech on that important subject, and stated that a leading point of inquiry would be to ascertain how far the Government of India could be conducted without reliance for its expenditure on any other quarter. — Earl Grey said he could not object to the motion, and that he should be ready to discuss the question when it came regularly before the House; but, as the question of the revival of the Charter was not likely to be brought forward this Session, its mention was not introduced into the King's Speech. — The Marquis of Salisbury asked whether Government intended to bring forward any Bill relative to the Poor Laws?—The Lord Chancellor replied, that if no other Noble Lord did, he should proe a measure upon that subject.—The arl of Aberdeen intimated, he should hereafter bring forward a motion respecting the arrangements between Holland and Belgium, if a Noble Duke (Wellington), who had taken great interest in the proceedings connected with those arrangements, declined to do so.-Earl Grey said, that a copy of the Conference would have been laid on the table if it had been ratified.—The Earl of Winchelsea inquired whether it was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers to bring forward any specific measure for the purpose of putting down the Political Unions — Earl Grey said it was not ; adding that Government was already armed with sufficient powers to stop any illegal associations. Dec. 9. Lord Teynham, after alluding to the fires which had taken place in different parts of the country, and strongly urging the necessity of interference on the part of Government, gave notice that after the Christmas recess he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for the purpose of preventing incendiary fires. Dec. 13. Lord Ellenborough moved for copies of all Correspondence relative to the recent differences between the Factory and the Local Authorities at Canton. His Lordship spoke at some length upon the importance and advantages of our trade with China. He lamented that the Select Committee and Merchants at Canton had acted in such a way as to give offence to the Chinese Government.—Earl Grey replied, that Government were aware of the importance of the subject—that no step *...*. taken rashly—that the business was more immediately under the control of the East India Company—and that no objection would be made to the production of the Papers when they were ready, and when Government and the Company had received all the necessary intelligence which they
had not yet had upon the subject. The Motion was withdrawn. Dec. 15. Lord Melbourne moved that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire respecting the collection and payment of Tithes in Ireland. His Lordship, after alluding to the various disturbances which had taken place in that country, said, it would be recollected that similar disturbances in 1822 gave rise to the introduction of the Tithe Composition Act, which was at the time satisfactory to a large proportion of the people. The present disturbances, he believed, arose from inherent defects in the system; the mode of collecting Tithes, and . imperfect and partial operation of the Tithe Composition Act. The Tithe of agistment, and the power which was left to the Diocesan of refusing his assent to the Composition which might be agreed upon between the incumbent and parishioners, were circumstances which caused the Tithe Composition Act to act partially, and the sound parts of Ireland to be infected by the unsound portions. His o stated, that a great hardship was inflicted on the poor man, by the numerous calls which were made on him. The bishop, rector, vicar, archdeacon, prebendary, and vicars choral all had a right to call for their Tithes separately, which was harassing to the poor man, though the total amount was but trifling. None but low persons were employed in the collection of Tithes, who were disposed to take every advantage, and were of course in many instances guilty of the utmost exaction. The motion, after a few remarks from the Earl of Wicklow, Lord Ellenborough, the Marquis of Lansdowne, and Earl Grey, was agreed to, and a Committee appointed. Dec. 16. In answer to a question by the Earl of Aberdeen, Earl Grey said, it was the determination of Government to enforce the Foreign Enlistment Bill, and to take no art in the dispute between Don Pedro and on Miguel. Some vessels, which had been engaged for the service of Don Pedro, had been detained in the river, and the case referred to the Law Officers of the Crown, who decided that the law had not been violated, and they were in consequence released.—On the Motion of Earl Grey, the House adjourned to the 17th of January. House of coni MONS. Dec. 6. The Speaker entered the House shortly after one o'clock, and at half-past two the House was summoned to the Lords. On their return, the House adjourned during pleasure; and at four the Speaker again took the Chair. His Majesty's Speech having been read by the Speaker;-Lord Cavendish rose to move the usual Address; which was seconded by Sir Francis Vincent.—Mr. Croker observed, that he did not
consider the Speech to be very manly and straightforward; nor did he view it as very explicit. They had yet to learn, whether the Reform Bill about to be brought forward was to be another and a more moderate Bill, or the same Bill. As to the “systematic” opposition to the o of tithes in Ireland, if that remedy were adopted which he thought was . at (an alteration of the tithe system), it would shake the foundation of all roperty, and should have his most ...'..." . Stanley stated, in regard to Ireland, that it was intended to move for a Select Committee on the subject; and that the views of the Government would be submitted to such Committee. It was not contemplated to affect property: it was only sought, as in the case of Reform, to secure property and strengthen existing institutions.—Sir C. Wetherell entered at some length into explanations of the Bristol affair —attacking the Unions and the newspapers with unmingled and indiscriminating censure-inquiring why, if danger were apprehended, the Bristol Gaol Delivery had not been postponed ; and asking what would have been said of him by the “manymouthed and venomous Press” if he had not gone there? The Hon. Gentleman complained that the names of the Recorder and the Bristol Magistrates were omitted in the Commission recently appointed. He had put in his claim to be included in it, as a matter of right, to the Secretary for the Home Department, and he had also submitted it in writing to the Lord Chancellor.—Mr. Lamb stated that the postponement of the gaol delivery had never been asked. He would, however, abstain from further comments, on the ground that inquiries were roceeding in Bristol. —Sir Robert Peel aving commented upon several of the topics alluded to in his Majesty's Speech, on the subject of Reform, said:– “When the new measure of Reform shall come under discussion, I, for one, promise to give it the most calm and dispassionate attention. I wish that I could anticipate from its success the same tranquillizing and satisfactory results which are anticipated by the King's Government. I wish that I could believe that the spirit of impatience against all restraint, and the reluctance to submit to any control, which at present pervade and convulse the land, were attributable to such causes as the opposition which we have given to the progress of Reform; and that the triumph, if triumph should betide, over our opposition, would bring back the halcyon days of peace and contentment, and restore that spirit of obedience which, under Tory Governments at least, existed to the laws. It is in a spirit of calmness and impartiality that I shall discuss the Bill which the Noble Lord opposite ine is about to introduce. I trust that it will be founded on more moderate principles than the last; but be it founded on what principles it may, I owe it as a duty to the people of England,—l claim it as a right inherent in me as one of their