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been arranged, the yacht Victoria and Albert was sent over, Dhuleep Singh, and a crowd of petty German princes not and received the bride and her suite on board at Antwerp. yet Bismarckised, set out an hour before the time fixed An escorting squadron, among the ships of which was the for the wedding. The second cortége, in eleven carriages, then formidable iron-clad the Warrior, attended and conveyed the royal family and the Queen's household. welcomed her to the shores of her new country. The The third cortege was the procession of the bridegroom, Princess, after a singularly fine passage, landed at Graves. and the fourth the procession of the bride. The marriage end on the 7th March, and then travelled straight to was performed in St. George's Chapel, where, we are Windsor. It need scarcely be said that demonstrations told,“ the altar was richly decorated with massive golden of loyal and affectionate interest were not wanting along sacramental plate, golden candlesticks, superb alms. any part of the line of route. “In one of the rooms of dishes, costly flagons, and several quaint and highlythe castle, looking out upon the entrance drive, the Queen wrought chalices and patens.” The Archbishop of anxiously awaited the coming of her royal daughter, for Canterbury, of course, officiated, and the Eton boys

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an hour or more before dark, with the young Princesses, cheered lustily as the happy pair drove away, en route for Lonise and Beatrice, and it was not until it became too Osborne. On the same night, London and all the principal dark to noto what was going on below that the group on towns in England were illuminated. An immense and which all eyes were fixed retired. In the evening, spite thoroughly good-humoured crowd filled all the streets, of the rain which still descended in torrents, the town and admired the coloured transparencies, the Prince of was illuminated; and conspicuous to all the country for Wales' feathers, the true love-knots, the A A's, and fifty twenty miles round was the castle on the hill, for every other devices, which the inventive affection of the people window was a blaze of light, in brilliant welcome of the towards a throne and a royal house the most ancient in young Princess who had just arrived within its walls.” * Europe had rapidly improvised. At Birmingham, the

The marriage took place on the 10th March, and the outline and the chief structural lines of the tower and ceremonial employed on the occasion, having been royally cupola of St. Philip's Church stood out in flame against conceived, and adjusted with careful forethought in every a dark and starless sky. The city of Edinburgh was part, was brilliant and effective to a degree which public strikingly illuminated. The noble castle was lined with pageants in England seldom reach. Four processions or small paraffine lamps, which clearly defined its contour, cortéges left the castle in succession. The first, that of and fireworks blazed till a late hour from the Salisbury the royal guests, among whom were the Maharajah Crags and Arthur Seat. In London, the illuminations

were characterised by the utmost splendour, but ""Annual Register" for 1863,

untoward events cast a shadow over the popular

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THE MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. rejoicing. Though nothing could be more orderly and names to be written up in enormous capital letters, and well-disposed than the behaviour of the crowd, yet the create governors of trusts, who shall meet together at pressure of the enormous multitudes that filled the City sumptuous dinners from year to year, in order to glorify thoroughfares up to a late hour of the night was fatal to the pious and immortal memory of the man who has six women, crushed or trodden to death between the devised this ingenious method of disposing of his Mansion House and the foot of Ludgate Hill, and was property.” He proceeded to give a number of rethe cause of more or less severe injuries to not less than markable details, illustrating the fantastic and almost a hundred persons. The Prince of Wales addressed a vexatious character which belongs to a vast number of feeling letter to the Lord Mayor on the subject of these small bequests which fall under the general head of sad accidents, expressing his deep regret that what was “charities,” establishing thus, beyond all question, a case meant for rejoicing should have become an occasion of for administrative or judicial inquiry into the general mourning.

question of charities, but not in any way strengthening The House of Commons, on the motion of Lord Pal- | the argument in favour of the particular measure which merston, cheerfully granted to the Prince and Princess he was advocating. The sum lost to the revenue through of Wales, in addition to and augmentation of the revenues the exemption from income tax of the property of charities of the Duchy of Cornwall, amounting to about £60,000 was estimated by Mr. Gladstone to amount to at least per annum, a revenue of £50,000 a year from the Conso- £250,000. lidated Fund, of which sum £10,000 was separately settled The great charitable institutions of the metropolis and on the Princess. It was further proposed by the Premier, elsewhere at once took the alarm, and a deputation, forand assented to, that a jointure of £30,000 a year should midable in numbers, rank, and respectability, was soon be secured to the Princess in the event of her surviving organised to wait on the adventurous financier. · It was her husband.

headed by the Duke of Cambridge, President of the The financial statement of the Chancellor of the Ex-Corporation of Christ's Hospital. The Duke led off by chequer, Mr. Gladstone, was made on the 16th April, stating that if the revenues of Christ's were subjected and was universally considered to be a masterly and very to the income tax, the governors would be obliged to satisfactory exposé of the monetary and commercial con- reduce by no less than forty the number of boys educated dition of the country. The estimates of revenue and and maintained. He was followed by various noble and expenditure for the coming financial year showed a large right reverend speakers, pleading for hospitals and other probable surplus; and this surplus Mr. Gladstone applied charitable institutions, the asefulness of which they to the reduction of the tea duty and of the income tax. showed would be materially curtailed if their exemptionCertain minor features of the financial programme were from the income tax were withdrawn. The Chancellor of not allowed to pass unchallenged. One such consisted the Exchequer held his ground stoutly, complaining in a in levying a license duty on clubs, on the ground that, serio-comic strain that he was being made rather tho as wine and spirituous liquors were sold in them to the butt of a public meeting than the receiver of a respectful members, they ought not to be exempted from the burden deputation. But the opposition to the project in Parliawhich every hotel-keeper and licensed victualler was ment met it fairly on the merits, and unmasked the liable to. But as there were not wanting many to point singular hallucination by which Mr. Gladstone had out the obvious and essential differences between a club allowed his powerful mind to be overspread. The notion and a public-house, this portion of the financial scheme that the tax-paying community was burdened more was abandoned. The other feature referred to was Mr. heavily than it ought to be in order that the charities Gladstone's proposal for the taxation of charities. The might go scot free, was shown to be utterly unmeaning. Chancellor of the Exchequer had conceived the notion Those really pay income tax who profit by the expendi. that the exemption from income tax enjoyed by charitable ture of the revenues on which the income tax is levied institutions was equivalent to a burden of corresponding In the case of a charitable institution, this can be, neither amount imposed on the general body of tax-payers; and the founder, nor yet the trustees, but simply the objects carried away by the ardour of his genius, and that vehe- of the charity—the patients whom the hospital receives, ment enthusiasm with which he is wont to entertain and the boys whom the school clothes and educates. To imfollow out the last novel theory which he has embraced, pose income tax on the revenues of such institutions is, he had worked himself up to the conviction that the therefore, equivalent to taxing pro tanto the class of founders of charities, far from deserving the eulogies helpless persons whom they are destined to relieve and which an undiscerning public innocently lavishes upon educate; and hardships will arise in one of two formsthem, were in truth little better than a set of selfish either in the form of the abridgment of the benefits hypocrites, gaining credit for doing good, but gaining it now receivable by each individual, or in the form of the at other people's expense. “It is not fair,” he said, diminution of the number of individuals to whom thoso " that the tax-payers of this country, the fathers of benefits can be extended. In any case, the burden of families, men labouring to support their wives and chil. the tax will really fall on a class of persons whom, dren, should pay taxes augmented in order to encourage as matters stand, the Legislature, in consideration of gentlemen on their death-beds, when they can no longer their poverty, justly exempts from income tax. As for enjoy the money themselves, to devise ingenious methods the abuses which undeniably existed in connection with of disposing of their wealth, which shall cause their the charities themselves, that, it was urged, is a separate

A.D. 1863.] DEBATE IN PARLIAMENT ON THE IRISH ESTABLISHED CHURCH.

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question altogether, and to subject the charities to in. £650 per annum, were appropriated to the benefit of come tax will not even remotely tend to the abatement seven Protestants, the Catholic population of the parish of these abuses. It might be a vindietive protest against being 1,300, Sir Hugh Cairns, coming after him, proved, them, but it could not be their cure. “ What,” asked by reference to returns of undoubted authority, that the Mr. Disraeli, “is the remedy of the Chancellor of the total population of the said parish was but 673, that the Exchequer for the enormous imperfections in the old be ecclesiastical revenues only amounted to the modest sum of quests—for the evils in those petty charities which he £213 6s. 8d., and that the Protestants in the parish has called forth from their obscuro existence—for the attained to the respectable figure of forty-five persons. abuses connected with those magnificent foundations of We are not stating the facts of any real case, but merely hospitals and colleges which have contributed so much giving the general drift and bearing of a speech which the to the promotion of education and the development of writer heard and admired. The anomaly, even accordbenevolence in this country? Why, it is the application ing to the state of facts admitted by Sir Hugh Cairns, of the income tax !” In the end it became so evident really existed; but it was at least not of that startling to the Government that the feeling of the House was and ludicrous enormity which Mr. Bernal Osborne would opposed to the taxation of charities, that the measure have made his hearers beleve: his credit as an assailant was withdrawn.

was effectually damaged ; and when Sir Hugh Cairns In the course of the session, the subject of the Irish left off speaking, the Irish Church was felt on both sides Established Church—which had slept since the old fights of the House to be safe for the next five years at least. about the Appropriation Clause, nearly thirty years Various subjects of pressing interest-European, before-was reopened by the motion of Mr. Dillwyn, the American, and colonial-were debated in the course of member for Swansea, for the appointment of a select the session, but with so little effect on the policy either committee to inquire how far the distribution of endow- of our own or foreign Governments, that there is little ments for religious purposes in Ireland might be amended use in disentombing those monuments of buried and so as to conduce to the greater welfare of all classes of futile eloquence. Neither the House of Commons nor Her Majesty's Irish subjects. The speech of Mr. Bernal the House of Lords urged upon the Government a Osborne in support of the motion-replete as it was with firmer tone when remonstrating with Russia against the ironical and humorous sallies, with damaging exposures treatment of Poland, nor was there much use in discussand ridiculous contrasts—was the great feature of the ing and deploring the escape of the Alabama, when she debate, at least on the attacking side. Mr. Bernal had escaped. As for foreign Governments, perceiving Osborne elaborately argued that the existence of the how thoroughly acceptable to Parliament, taken as a Irish Establishment was a startling political anomaly, whole, was the unalterably pacific policy of the Ministry, the like of which was not to be found elsewhere in they learnt to disregard the indignant oratory of indiviEurope. These views were shared in by a large dual members, exposing this, that, and the other enormity, section of the English people. The motion of Mr. and convinced themselves that England, however its Dillwyn was somewhat feebly resisted by the Govern- ministers might interfere and bluster, would never fight. ment, Sir Robert Peel disputing his and Mr. Bernal To what results this conviction led, we shall presently Osborne's statistics, and Sir George Grey, though see. The session was brought to a close on the 28th of -with the consistency that always distinguished that July. veteran reformer-he declared the Irish Church to be in. The desperate effort made this year by the gallant and defensible in principle, yet arguing that the time for its unfortunate Poles to shake off the despotic yoke of removal was not yet come. But a remarkably able and Russia, riveted the gaze and engaged the sympathy of business-like speech from Sir Hugh Cairns raised up for nearly every nation in Europe. We say nearly, for the time the falling standard of ascendancy, and almost Prussia, as represented by its Government, assisted, on dissipated the effect of Mr. Bernal Osborne's speech. A grounds at the time little understood, the Muscovito politician who overstates his case, and is not careful to gaoler to re-manacle his victim. That, among the ascortain his facts with minute accuracy, will never suc- secret societies of Poland, there were many members ceed in overthrowing an institution which, however theo. infected with the worst revolutionary virus of the times, retically open to assault, is yet deeply rooted in the past, haters of morality, anti-social, anti-religious, we shall and in the memories, traditions, affections, nay, even in not attempt to deny, for it is notorious that there is no the pride and the prejudice, of an energetic and gifted nation in Europe in which the movement party is not to race. That Mr. Bernal Osborne was chargeable with a greater or less degree embarrassed by the presence of this carelessness, the dissection which his speech received an “extreme left,” animated by the spirit of the Interat the hands of Sir Hugh Cairns sufficiently proved. Of national and the Paris Communists. Russia used this course, the essential features of the case could not be plea in extenuation of her cruelties; but with whatever altered; all the eloquence of all the Orangemen in the truth it may have been urged, there can be no question world could no more prove the Irish Establishment to be that the outbreak in Poland was no spontaneous act, just than it could make out that black was white. But arising out of a revolutionary hatred of all authority, but this sort of thing was done : where Bernal Osborne had was the result of a series of oppressive measures, directed made an impression by stating that in such and such a by the Russian Government to the extinction of the parish the whole ecclesiastical revenues, amounting to Polish nationality, and culminating in an edict, the in.

justice of which might well have been felt intolerable by which, but for such neutrality, could not but have involved a proud and self-respecting people. In January of this her in disaster, we shall understand in the sequel. year, the Russian Government revived by an ukase the The misfortunes of Poland led to one of those diplosystem of conscription, which, having been in former matic and didactic interventions of which England about times practised in Poland, had been abolished by the this time was so liberal, and of which the issue was so Emperor Nicholas, and under which, instead of allowing invariably and so notoriously unfortunate. Earl Russell & free drawing of lots, the Government assumed the wrote (March 2nd, 1863) in a somowhat curt style of right of arbitrarily selecting any young men it chose from remonstrance to our minister at St. Petersburg, Lord the population of the cities, and compelling them to Napier, setting forth the view of the British Govern. serve in the Russian army. Lord Napier, our ambas- ment concerning the rights of the Poles under the Treaty sador at St. Petersburg, described it as “a design to of Vienna, maintaining the right of England, as a party make a clean sweep of the revolutionary youth of Poland; to that treaty, to interfere, with a view to the sincere to shut up the most energetic and dangerous spirits in execution and fulfilment of its stipulations, declaring that the restraints of the Russian army; it was simply a plan since the time of the Emperor Alexander I. Russia had to kidnap the opposition, and carry it off to Siberia or the broken faith with Poland in withholding the free instituCaucasus.” At midnight on the 14th of January, police tions which had been promised, and concluding with the agents and soldiers commenced the work in Warsaw, | demand that a general amnesty should be proclaimed, and surrounding the residences of those whom the Govern- the just political reforms required by the Poles conceded. ment had marked for forcible conscription, and compelling Prince Gortschakoff, “acting in a spirit of conciliation," them to leave their homes in order to enter the military declined to send a written reply to Earl Russell's service.* 2,500 men were thus carried off in the course dispatch, but expressed to Lord Napier, in conversation, of the night. So outrageous an act goaded the wretched his views upon its principal clauses. The substance of people into open resistance. The flame of insurrection what he said was as follows:-Referring to the text of burst out simultaneously in various parts of the Grand the Treaty of Vienna, he denied that the pledges which Duchy of Poland. The operations of the bands that Russia had then given to Poland had been in any way appeared in arms were directed, so far as possible, by a broken. The treaty bound Russia, Prussia, and Austria, mysterious authority known as the “ Central Committee,” the three partitioners or co-parceners of crushed Poland, whose proclamations were circulated everywhere, whose to confer upon the Poles representation and national inorders were seldom disobeyed, but the composition and stitutions; but in the same clause of the treaty it was locality of which were involved in the deepest obscurity. stated that such institutions should be "regulated by the Betaking themselves to the forests, which cover so large form of political existence which their respective Govern. a portion of the surface of Poland, the insurgents com- ments shall judge it to be useful and convenient to grant menced a guerrilla warfare against the Russian troops, to them.” Now there were different forms of represencutting off small detachments, intercepting supplies, and tative polity, different moulds, varying with the genius even occasionally defeating considerable bodies of men. and circumstances of particular nations, which national The most noted leader among them, in the early portion institutions might assume. It did not follow, because of the movement, was Langiewicz, formerly a follower one type of representative government succeeded in of Garibaldi ; his name flew through Europe, and the England, that the same type would be applicable or benefriends of Poland were prepared to see in him a Sobieski ficial to a country the antecedents and circumstances of or a Kosciusko. Suddenly, however, actuated by motives

which were widely different. The Emperor Alexander I. of which we do not remember to have seen an adequate had, it was true, in the excess of his sanguine benevoexplanation, Langiewicz abandoned his comrades, and, lence, attempted to carry out the treaty by granting to going to Cracow, gave himself up to the Austrian autho. Poland institutions modelled in a considerable degree rities. All through the year the insurrection raged, and after the English type. But how had the imperial goodwas watched with keen interest by the Governments of ness been repaid by the ungrateful Poles? They had burst all the great Powers. England and France were openly, out in open insurrection in 1830, and having been then and, so far as words went, strenuously, sympathetic with

subdued by Russia by main force, had in strictness lost the movement; Austria simply looked on; Prussia alone,

all right of appealing to the stipulations in their favour whose policy was guided by the vast conceptions and large

contained in the Treaty of Vienna. Upon this point, forecast of the Count von Bismarck, heartily joined however, the prince did not desire to insist, but he mainRussia in the work of repression, concluded a secret

tained that the institutions which Poland had enjoyed treaty with her for this purpose, assisted her defeated

for many years were national in the fullest sense; the soldiers with food and arms, and gave up Poles who

directing minister (Marquis Wielopolski) was a Pole, and crossed her frontier to the Russian authorities. How

entertained national sentiments of the most decided this policy was afterwards requited by a friendly neu.

character; the council of administration was composed trality on the part of Russia, at times when Prussia was

of Poles ; and with regard to representation, there was a engaged in struggles imperilling her very existence, and

council of state, “ embodying some representative ele. ments” (what a beautiful vagueness in this delicate

phrase !), in which general laws for the welfare of the * "Annual Register" for 1863.

kingdom were elaborated. The truth was, that while the

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