PENNSYLVANIA CONVENTION, 1887.

Shaw

88

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ded. My fears have been excited by the existing state of things, and lest the door of the right of franchise should be opened wider than before, as the amendment of the gentleman from Chester, evidences a decided disposition to favor the class of individuals to which my proposition refers. In Philadelphia, we have hitherto escaped being associated with these persons at the polls, owing to a construction put on the Constitution, that the right to vote could not be exercised without a previous assessment. But, although this is the case in the county of Philadelphia, it is not so in other counties, for, I understand, that these persons are in the habit of voting in several of them. The situation of the country, the fate and destiny of elections will, in future, depend pretty much on the fate of this amendment.— There are some of the wards of the city, in which I find, if the Constitution give them the right, that they will be able, not only to carry the wards, but to distribute all the offices, independent of the wards. It is not necessary for me to say any thing as to the result of such a condition of things. It is always wrong to hold out to these people, that they can rank on an equality with the white citizen. There always must be an inequality. If it is a folly for me to strive to reach the standard of the loftiest intellect, I may be permited to say, that these persons are as far below me. Yet, if they cannot advance to that rank, which is out of their reach, it does not follow that they must retrogade. Is there any thing to justify the opinion, that these individuals can bring into the ranks of our citizens that weight of intelligence which should induce us to admit them to take part in our contests, shoulder by shoulder, and side by side. In making this remark, he had no intention to depress any man, or any set of men. But, why should we attempt to delude men with promises which can never be realized, and by holding out to them something which can never be carried out. Our fathers commenced the labor of attempting to elevate the Indian character, and did every thing in their power to raise the aboriginal standard to an equality with our own, to fit them, by educa tion, to mingle in our social circle, our temples of religion. and our legislative halls. It turned out a total failure. And, this is one of the evidences, that it is altogether futile and useless to pursue the experiment of making the African and Indian equal to the white citizen. I recollect seeing, when a boy, some of these Indians going to college, and have since discovered, that they made no other use of their education than to beg from door to door, and ask for whiskey, in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin. The novelty of the circumstance enabled them to succeed. If the attempt to elevate the Indians turned out a failure, any effect to raise the colored population would also result in failure. What is the state of things in Pennsylvania? Much has been done for these people-schools have been kept up they have been instructed in all the sciences, and in the rudiments of religion, and I have known but one solitary instance of a gond result, although I have lived forty years on the same spot, and have been well acquainted with all that has been done. There is a black gentleman in Philadelphia county, JAMES FORTUNE, a sail maker, who is an exception. What is his situation? He has accumulated property, obtained a respectable standing, and, in consequenee of his color, is noticed more than a white man would be in the same situation. I will say, therefore, that all these attempts are fallacious, and that nothing can be done to place the colored race by the side of the whites, But, if we are to open our doors,

and spread it far and wide, that this State is a depot for free negroes, slaves and runaways, what will be the consequence? Let gentlemen walk through Philadelphia, and see for themselves, and be convinced. They came together there from all the southern States, and have so corrupted each other, that they are now in a situation far worse than the bondage from which they have escaped. It is impossible to walk through Cedar ward, in a clear warm evening, for the black population. If it were just and reasonable to suppose that they could be elevated to the level of the white population, they might have received some portion of our care and attention. The subject, which has become such a fashionable theme. was first taken up in England. A great man who had nothing to do, but to hunt out something to build a name upon, set it on foot. A species of fanaticism sometimes takes possession of good men, and they are carried away by a belief, that a great deal more is yet to be done than ever has been done.This, however, is not a correct view. Look at the country where this false humanity had its origin, and you will find these philanthropists overlooking the squalid poverty, the necessities, and privations of the white population around them, which ought to have commanded all their sympathy, and taxed their utmost ability to relieve, and devoting their feelings and their funds to the population of Africa. Again, does any one believe that the condition of the African race here, is worse than in their own country? Who is there that believes this? No sensible man believes that the black man is worse off here than in Africa. If there is any who does believe it, let him read the history of Africa, and compare the situation of their people there, with their condition here, and he will be satisfied, that they have a far better portion of the comforts of life here than where they come from. Again, we ought to consider that we are undermining a population we are much more bound to than to them, when we talk of admiting these blacks to equal rights and standing with ourselves. None of us owe any debt to the black population. They are clearly off our hands. No one imagines that we have had any thing to do with bringing them here; and, therefore, we are clear of the sin. The state of the white population is growing worse. We are fast treading on the heels of Europe. No one can take up the history of Europe, without seeing what is the miserable condition of that country, where the white population are compelled to endure hardships far worse than any which are endured by the blacks in this country.

I do not in end to travel further into this subject, as I understand there is no disposition to debate it. The reasous I have offered will be nearly all that can be required of me. I shall reserve the right, if any discussion should arise, to go more fully into the subject. I will mention one or two subjects more, and then leave the result in the hands of the committee.Has the Convention come to the conclusion, that numbers only ought to determine every thing at the polls, and that mind and intelligence are to have no influence? Why did the experiment of building up a republic in France fall through. They endeavored to follow our example, and if they did not succeed, it was not for want of numbers; in that respect, they far exceeded us. My opinion is, that the republican experiment there fell through, in consequence of the voters not having mind, or not permiting that mind to control them. Gentlemen would remember, that when the votes were being taken for a First Consul of France, the officer who com

manded a regiment used this language: "Comrades, you are entirely free to vote as you please, but if you do not vote for the FIRST CONSUL, you will be shot at the head of the regiment". This was the cause of the failure of the experiment. And, if we admit the 7000 blacks to the polls at Philadelphia, they will be ready to go as they may be directed, influenced, and worked upon by some master of intrigue. It is in vain to tell me, that these individuals are on the same scale in society, and gifted with the same intelligence, as ourselves. Who are we, and where do we come from! And, I will here say, that these remarks are not made from any ill will or hatred for this people. If I know myself, I am free from the littleness of malice, or any malevolent or rancorous feeling against them. But when I look at them, and then at myself, and at what the world is composed of, I cannot but see a vast difference. We are the descendants of Europe-some of us of English origin, others of Irish, Scotch, German, and Spanish. Our sires were the masters of the civi lized world, an immeasurable distance in advance of all the other population of the earth. And, this has been the case for some hundreds of years. Go into the sandy climes of the east, and select the inhabitants, and tell me if they stand on an equal eminence. We have been in advance, and have given a tone to civilization throughout the world, and why are we now to think of retrograding and going down? Although our residence is not in Europe. we are of European descent, not the degenerate sons of noble sires", but possessed of all those admirable qualifications which belong to those from whom we have sprung. Mr. M. concluded with expressing his regret at the mistaken course which had been taken by good, but misjudging individuals, laboring under the delusions of prejudice and bigotry, in reference to the black population. He did not impute to them criminal designs; he believed numbers of them to be acting conscientiously, and for what they believed to be pure and proper ends. But, he reminded them that "charity begins at home", that there is a wide scope for the operations of benevolence within our own class and color of population; and, that their labors were tending to flood the State with a refuse population, ignorant, indolent, and fit to be instruments of evil. He then closed his remarks with stating, that if it was thought proper to take the question without debate, he would take leave of the subject altogether; if not, he might feel himself called upon to go into the full merits of the question, in order to shew why it is not in our power to prevent such a provision as was contained in his amendment, from going into the Constitution, without violating the high trust and duty which the people of the Commonwealth had entrusted into the hands of this Convention.

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Mr. FULLER, while he agreed, he said, that something conclusive should be done in respect to our black population, regreted that the gentleman had thought proper to introduce the subject at this time. He wished it might be held back till towards the close of the session, well knowing the agitation it was likely to produce, at whatever time it might be taken up. It would be more satisfactory to the public, and less hazarpous to the general business of the Convention, to take it up towards the close of the session. Then it could be put in a separate article, and left to the people. He asked whether it would be in order to move its postponement for the present.

The CHAIR had some doubts whether it would be in order.

The report of the committee would be the question until it was amendded, even if the postponement was now agreed to, it would extend no longer than an opportunity to call up the amendment again.

Mr, FULLER asked if the previous question would cut off all amendments, and leave the question on the report of the committee.

The CHAIR replied in the affirmative.

Mr. FULLER said this being the case, he would request the mover to withdraw the amendment for the present. The discussion of the subject here would consume much time and produce great excitement, and such was the state of feeling on the subject in the Commonwealth, that the adoption of the amendment would, no doubt, prevent the people from accepting the Constitution.

Mr. MARTIN disagreed with the gentleman from Fayette, as to the effect of the adoption of the amendment on the vote of the people. He thought it would secure the adoption of the Constitution by an overwhelming vote. He would not withdraw the motion. Gentlemen might vote it down if they pleased.

Mr. WOODWARD had hoped, he said, with the gentleman from Fayette, that the motion would be withdrawn for the present. It had long been a vexed and unsettled question, whether colored people had a right, under the present Constitution, to vote. It had taken the proper shape for a legal decision in his county. A case from the county of Luzerne was now pending in the Supreme Court of the State, and it would be decided in July next. If it should there be settled that they have not the right, there would be no necessity for introducing any amendment on the subject.

Mr. MARTIN said, nothing could be settled by a decision of the Supreme Court upon the old Constitution, for the clause was about to undergo an alteration.

Mr. DICKEY did not see, he said, why there should be so much anxiety to avoid this question. We might as well come up to the mark and meet it. We might as well say what we mean by freemen, and whether colored persons have a right to vote. But the amendment was itself ambiguous. Did the gentleman propose to exclude all who are not white? Will he explain what he means by "white freemen". Does he mean to exclude all persons of a tawny hue? What standard of color does he intend to propose?

Mr. MARTIN did not suppose, he said, that the gentleman was in earnest in asking the question. There could be no difficulty in ascertaining who were white citizens. He meant to exclude the colored population, instead of holding out to them the delusive prospect of an equal participation in the rights of citizenship. It was a proper subject for our action, and it was a question which, sooner or later, must be met. Here it could be met, free from political or popular bias, or excitement. He trusted we should meet it like men, and decide it.

Mr. DICKEY: The gentleman has not answered the question. He has not told us whether all colors, except white, will be excluded by the amendment-whether all the various shades, departing from white and carnation, are to be disfranchised. He came here under a Constitution, which said nothing about white, or about colors, and, he was as well prepared to vote on the question now, as at any future period. His consti

tuents, he was sure, did not expect this question to come up, and did not desire any action upon it. He did not believe that this was one of the amendments that the people of Philadelphia county had instructed their delegates to vote for. The gentleman, therefore, was probably violating his own instructions in proposing it, and, if not, he was certainly violating the cut of his coat.

Mr. MARTIN: That is for me to judge of.

Mr. DARLINGTON said, the further discussion of this subject would be attended with great excitement, and to no good purpose. A case has arisen, as is known to every one here, which involves this whole question. It will be argued in the month of July, before the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, without any appeal to passion or politics; and, should it be settled as the opinion of the court, that the present Constitution does not extend the right of suffrage to blacks, every officer of an election will be governed by it. He hoped the gentleman would see the propriety of withdrawing the motion.

Mr. FORWARD remarked, that it was the general wish, as far as he had heard, that this question should be taken without debate, after hearing the explanations of the mover of the proposition. No benefit could arise from an excited discussion of the question here. He hoped gentlemen would come to the question at once, and decide it without further discussion. In the present state of the public mind on this subject, any amendment in regard to it, would only tend to array so powerful an opposition as to defeat the whole Constitution, which we may submit. Suppose we agree to an amendment excluding all colored persons from voting. It would never be agreed to. On the other hand, if we should expressly give them the right of suffrage. the whole Constitution would be rejected by the people. He had no idea that the Constitution would be submited in any other way than as an entire instrument, and, therefore, any unpalatable provision would defeat the whole work. When the excitements of the day are passed, the matter can be settled, whatever may be the decision of the Supreme Court.

Mr. REIGART liked the suggestion of the gentleman from Fayette, to postpone the subject. If it could now be postponed, he would move that it be postponed for the present.

Mr. DICKEY: It cannot be postponed. It may be brongh up again, at any time, on the motion of any member.

The CHAIR said, if postponed, it would remain postponed, until some one should call it up.

Mr. DORAN asked the yeas and nays on the motion to postpone.

Mr. M'CAHEN said that as the yeas and nays had been demanded, he would give some reasons that would govern his vote upon the question before the committee. He had been informed that it was a historical fact, that, in the Convention of 1789-90, the committee upon that article of the present Constitution which embraces the right of suffrage, presented a report which read, that all white male citizens twenty-one years of age and over, should be entitled to vote. ALBERT GALLATIN, who was a member of that Convention, thought that the word white was too indefinite; that it might exclude him from the enjoyment of the rights of a voter; and upon his suggestion, the word was stricken out. He, (Mr. M'CAHEN) apprehended, that at this day, there could not be any doubt as to the meaning of