of James II.

his actions and policy prove that this monarch, whose superiority of understanding and quickness of penetration were no less conspicuous than his total want of virtue and of principle, might, with more propriety than almost any man, declare that he always discerned the things that were right, though he uniformly adopted those which were wrong*.

Accession. It is extremely remarkable, and it may perhaps by some be considered as a characteristic trait of that caprice so frequently ascribed to the English nation, that, notwithstanding the vehement and furious efforts which had been so recently made to effect the absolute exclusion of the duke of York from the throne, his accession to the crown was not attended with any public marks of disgust or dissatisfaction. The storm had spent its rage, and was succeeded by a dead and settled calm. This must not, however, be attributed to any radical change in the public opinion. respecting the eligibility of this exclusion in itself considered, but to a general dread of the alarming consequences which must have resulted from persisting in the prosecution of a project, in which it was apparent that the king would never be induced to acquiesce. And though the sudden death of Charles prevented that monarch from exe

-Video meliora proboque,

Deteriora sequor.

cuting his intention of convening a parliament, in which such restrictions would doubtless have been imposed upon the successor as the political situation of the kingdom would have been thought, on a cool and impartial re-consideration of the subject, to require; yet it was hoped that the understanding and experience of the new king would suggest to him the propriety, or rather the necessity, of regulating his conduct in such a manner as to convince the people that their religion and liberties were not endangered under his government. And reflecting men, who always resort with reluctance to violent and desperate remedies, clearly saw that no serious attempt could be made upon either, but with the most imminent hazard to the king's authority, not to say his safety. James II. was now far advanced in life; the season of rashness and temerity, it might be reasonably presumed, was past; and he would deem himself, as people fondly imagined, happy by a mild and popular administration to secure the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of a crown which had once been so nearly` wrested from him: and after a reign, probably of no very long duration, a bright and glorious prospect again opened to their view in the accession of the prince and princess of Orange. The event, however, proved how delusive were these hopes; and how justly founded the apprehen

sions of those who were but too well apprised of the bigotry, the enthusiasm, the blind and deplorable obstinacy of this infatuated monarch.

The first act of James's reign, however, seemed not ill calculated to confirm the prepossession which the public were but too ready to encourage in his favor. In his declaration to the privy council, which assembled immediately on the death of the late king, he professed his resolution to maintain the established government both in church and state; and he affirmed, that, though he had been reported to have imbibed arbitrary principles, he knew the laws of England were sufficient to make him as great a monarch as he could wish, and he was determined never to depart from them. Numerous addresses from all parts of the kingdom were presented to the new monarch, couched for the most part in terms of the grossest adulation; which no doubt greatly contributed to lull him into that fatal security which was the cause and the fore-runner of his ruin. Though the royal declaration was highly extolled by the partisans of the court, and indeed by the generality of the people, who pleased themselves with boasting "that they that they had now the word of a king to rely upon," yet they had very early proof how weak and fallacious was this Arbitrary ground of dependence. For, in open defiance of the Court. the law agreeably to which the greater part of the

measures of

duties of custom and excise granted to the king expired at his demise, James issued a proclamation within a few days subsequent to this declaration, commanding those duties to be paid as before. And the second Sunday after his accession, he went openly, with all the insignia of royalty, to mass, to the indignation of most men and the amazement of all.

Rome.

One Caryl also was dispatched to Rome in the Embassy to capacity of agent, in order to make submissions to the pope in the king's name, and to pave the way for the re-admission of England into the bosom of the catholic church. But these expressions of duty and obedience to the Holy See were not received with much eagerness or satisfaction. This, however, will not excite our wonder, when we recollect the general state of politics in Europe at this period. The grandeur of Louis XIV. had now attained its highest point of elevation. Since the conclusion of the treaty of Nimeguen, the pride and insolence of thát monarch knew no bounds; and the nations of Europe were concerting measures to reduce the exorbitant power of France within its proper limits. The accession of England to this confederacy was the object of general and eager desire: and as James was believed to be actuated by a higher sense of national honor and interest than the late king, and by that jealousy of the power

of France which was naturally to be expected from a king of England, nothing could be more unseasonable, or more opposite to the political views of the principal courts of Europe at this juncture, than a serious intention in James to reestablish the catholic religion in his dominions; which would inevitably by the means of involving him in domestic contentions of the most alarming kind, and which would not only effectually preclude every idea of his becoming a party in the grand confederacy now actually forming, but ultimately reduce him, perhaps, to the necessity of throwing himself into the arms of France, by whose assistance alone these dangerous projects could ever be carried into execution. The reigning pontiff, Innocent XI. was, in consequence of a recent quarrel, inflamed with animosity against Louis, and devotedly attached to the interests of the house of Austria. And being, moreover, a man of sense and temper, he plainly perceived that the king was not only pursuing measures manifestly incompatible with the political sentiments which he affected to embrace, but which would probably terminate in the ruin of himself and of the religion to which he was so passionately devoted. He counselled him, therefore, to regulate his zeal by the rules of prudence and discretion, and to endeavour, by mildness and moderation, insensibly to effect what force and violence would