in the grief and affliction of his Majesty for the loss which his Majesty and the nation have sustained by the lamented death of the late King his father. "This melancholy event imposing upon his Majesty the necessity of summoning, within a limited period, a new Parliament, the King has taken into consideration the present state of public business, and is of opinion, that it will be in all respects most conducive to the public interests and convenience to call the new Parliament without delay. "The King, therefore, recommends to the House of Commons to adopt such measures as may be found indispensably necessary to provide for the exigencies of the public service during the interval which must elapse between the termination of the present session and the open ing of a new Parliament. G. R." Lord Castlereagh said, he should move that it be taken into consideration tomorrow. He thought it necessary that members should have a day to consider one part of it, but he hoped the House would feel that there ought to be no delay in replying to another part-he meant that which referred to the death of his late majesty. In rising to propose an address of condolence to his majesty, the House would feel that it was not necessary or desirable for him to go into lengthened details; and he hoped that, from the few observations which he had to make nothing would arise to prevent their coming to an unanimous decision on the present melancholy occasion. They would, he was persuaded, all join in the same sentiments of affliction and reverence for the loss of their late beloved monarch. Whatever might be the opinions respecting the events of the late reign, and of the administration of government under his present majesty, there could, he was certain, be no difference as to this pointthat under the illustrious House of Brunswick this country had enjoyed a greater share of happiness and glory than had fallen to the lot of any other nation on the face of the globe. The House, he was sure, were anxious to testify their deep affliction at the loss of a monarch, who, in the course of a long reign, during periods of great trial, had, by his mild and amiable qualities, secured the love and esteem of the nation. Indeed, the veneration in which our late beloved monarch was held, and the general attachment to him by all ranks and classes, were visible at every period of his glorious reign, but more particularly on those melancholy occasions when he was prevented from superintending in person the interests of his people. In the unusually long period of his reign, this country had grown up to rank, power, and commercial splendor, unequalled among the nations of the earth. With these feelings as to the character of the late reign, there would not, he was certain, be any differences as to the address of condolence which he meant to propose. There was another subject to which he should also call the attention of the House, it was the accession of his present majesty. To his reign he looked forward with the most sanguine hopes for the prosperity of the nation; and when he looked to the past, he had the best guarantee to hope from the future. Indeed, after the declaration made by his majesty on his accession, that he would make the example of his royal father the basis of his conduct, the country had to hope for a prosperous reign. In conclusion, his lordship trusted, that his majesty's reign would be long, and happy for himself and the country; and that though he might not have to achieve any additional glories in war, he would add the only remaining laurel to his brow, by looking, in peace, to policy, justice, and moderation in the administration of his government. His lordship then moved, "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to convey to his majesty the expression of the deep affliction in which we have been involved by the death of the late king; a monarch, whose virtues had so long afforded the brightest example, and who had so long reigned in the hearts of his faithful people: To assure his majesty we shall never cease to cherish in our memories the recollection of the many blessings which we have enjoyed under the mild and paternal government of his royal father during whose long and eventful reign the country has made so great advances in arts and industry, in commercial opulence and national power, and has derived so large an accession of glory from the splendid achievements of his majesty's fleets and armies: To add to these expressions of regret and condolence, on this common calamity, our most sincere congratulations upon his majesty's accession to the throne of his ancestors: To convey to his majesty the dutiful assurance of our loyal and affectionate attach ment to his sacred person, and to entreat him to believe that we derive from the experience of the past, as well as from cur confidence in his majesty's character and virtues, the firm conviction that his reign will be marked by a constant endeavour to promote the general prosperity and happiness of his people." day for taking into consideration his majesty's message. The message having been read, The Earl of Liverpool said, if he had had any doubt on the preceding day as to the propriety of separating the question as to the calling a new parliament without delay, from the subject of addressing the king in condolence on the death of the late sovereign, that doubt would have been entirely removed by the remark made by the noble marquis, that such an intimation was entirely unprecedented. It was undoubtedly true that it was unprecedented, but it should be recollected that the situation in which they were placed was also unprecedented. It was not the case of the tranfer of the Crown and all the administration of the government at once to a successor, but here the illustrious individual on the throne had administered the government for a considerable time, and was now called upon to do that in his own name and behalf, which he had hitherto done in the name and on the behalf of the late Mr. Tierney said, that no man could be more sensible than himself of the virtues of their late revered and lamented sovereign-virtues too numerous to be then detailed. Nor could any man be more sincere than himself in congratulating his present majesty on his accession. No man could feel a greater personal respect for his majesty than himself. No man could be more earnest in his hopes that his majesty's reign might be long and prosperous. No man could exceed him in zealous wishes that that reign might be productive of equal honour and advantage to his majesty and to the country. Undoubtedly there was one expression in the address which he thought had better have been omitted. He adverted to that passage which spoke of "the ex-king. perience of the past." On all the past he wished to turn his back. He wished to bury it in oblivion. A new reign was commencing, and he most anxiously hoped that his majesty would adopt such measures-that his ministers would advise such measures, as would conduce to his majesty's own character, honour, and dignity, and to the general benefit of the country. The address was agreed to, nem. con. and it was ordered, that in consideration of his majesty's indisposition, the said address be presented by such members of the House as were of the privy council. It was then resolved, nem. còn. 1. “That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to condole with his majesty on the loss which his majesty has sustained by the calamitous and untimely death of his royal brother the late duke of Kent. 2. That this House do condole with her royal highness the duchess of Kent, on the calamitous and untimely death of his late royal highness the duke of Kent." Similar addresses were, on the following day, agreed to in the House of Lords. HOUSE OF LORDS. Friday, February 18. With regard to the question of dissolving the parliament, according to the common law of the land, the parliament ceased its functions on the demise of the Crown, and the act which passed for enabling the parliament to sit for six months afterwards, might be called an exception to that law. With regard to the motive for passing that act, it appeared to have been intended to provide against a disputed succession. But undoubtedly the act did not fetter the monarch, in the exercise of his prerogative, who might at once, if he pleased, exercise that prerogative by dissolving the parliament; it was merely a question as to the public interest or convenience. It was true, that with regard to the civil list, it had been usual for the parliament sitting at the demise of the Crown, to pass a measure for arrang. ing the civil list; but this, which was a proper compliment to the Crown, there was no necessity to bring forward, when the Crown itself, as in the present instance, waived the immediate consideration of it. This, therefore, being put aside for the present, at the instance of the Crown, it must be obvious to every one, that there were circumstances connected with the knowledge that a new parliament must be called within a certain period, that rendered it inconvenient to proceed to any public business that was not absolutely necessary. These circumstances were matter of notoriety; and it was evi- | dent that it would be more for the public interest and convenience that the measures necessary to be brought forward should be presented to a parliament uninfluenced by such circumstances, and with their attention not distracted by considerations arising out of the contemplation of the near approach of the summoning a new parliament, and the preparations and arrangements necessarily consequent upon it. His lordship concluded by moving an address to his majesty, which was an echo of the message. The Marquis of Lansdowne expressed his surprise that the noble earl had not afforded any explanation as to the reasons or the motives for the sudden dissolution of the parliament. He believed it to be contrary to all precedent for the Crown to put to the consideration of parliament the question as to its own dissolution. It was undoubtedly true, that the king, in the exercise of his prerogative, might dissolve the parliament at the moment of its meeting on his accession; but when the question of a dissolution was put to parliament itself, they might, with perfect propriety, consider what had been the practice upon similar occasions; and when it was urged as a reason for now dissolving the parliament, that it would be for the public interest and convenience, it might be fairly answered, and this too on the authority of the noble earl himself, that the present was the most convenient period for entering upon the consideration of public business. When, however, this plea of convenience was urged, it would be found, upon looking back to the periods of the accession of our sovereigns, since the reign of William 3rd, when the act was passed, authorizing the parliament to continue sitting six months after the demise of the Crown, that at periods much more inconvenient than the present, parliament had continued sitting, and had, before their separation, uniformly passed the civil list bill. Thus, on the accession of queen Anne, in March, on that of George 1st, in August, of George 2nd, in June, and the late king in October, the parliament in each case continued sitting, and passed the civil list bill within a short period of the meeting. Why these precedents were to be departed from, the noble earl had not explained. Neither had he explained how the public service was to be provided for in the interval, or how the dignity of the Crown was to be (VOL. XLI.) provided for, the civil list bill having now expired. There was another consideration also of great importance; he alluded to the increase of the military force of the country, to the amount of 10,000 men. Agreeing, as he did, in the necessity for this addition to our military force, he considered it of the greatest importance, in a constitutional point of view, that the parliament should have an opportunity of taking into consideration such increase. Was it intended that only a short mutiny bill should be brought in, which would not afford any opportunity of considering the amount of the force? As he had been unable to discover any reason why the precedent in former cases should be in this instance departed from, he could not give his vote for the address. The Earl of Harrowby observed, that it must be, in his opinion, obvious, that with all the preparations and arrangements that were making, with a view to a dissolution of parliament, which it was known must take place within a certain period, it was impossible for the members of the other House to pay that attention which was requisite to the measures to be proposed to them. As to any difficulty in providing for the public service in the interim, the course to be pursued was intended to be the same as in 1807 and in 1784, when a dissolution took place about the same period; and with regard to providing for the dignity of the Crown, though there might perhaps be some slight difficulty, yet it might readily be done by a vote of credit out of the remaining hereditary revenues of the Crown. Earl Grosvenor contended, that there was time enough to complete any mea. sures that might be necessary, without dissolving the parliament, and objected strongly to the continuance of so large a standing army in time of peace. Was it for a purpose which ministers could not avow-was it to support themselves in administration, that this extraordinary burthen was to be continued in the present distressed condition of the country? The Earl of Lauderdale thought that great inconvenience would be found to attend the immediate dissolution of parliament. With respect to the consideration of the civil list, he thought it would be better that it should be arranged by parliament, instead of being submitted to the public-as it was, in effect, by being postponed until the general election had taken place. The House would recollect, (5 K) that there were such things as instructions sider to what time the session must extend from constituents to their representatives, in that case. It was true that they had a and that he thought should have suggest-balance of convenience and inconvenience ed itself to the noble lords as one of the to decide upon, but then there was uniinconveniences attendant upon the course form practice on one side, and that pracwhich they recommended. It had been tice was, that after the demise of the said, that the civil list was to be pro- king, parliament should proceed, with as vided for out of the hereditary revenues. little delay as possible, to the arrangeBut they would find, by the consoli- ment of the civil list. By dissolving now, dated fund act, that the hereditary reve- they would leave the Crown without a nues were appropriated to make up the civil list. deficiencies of that fund, in the event of the king's demise. The Earl of Caernarvon said, his noble friend had shown, that if it was convenient at any time to continue the sitting of parliament, it was convenient now. But then it was objected, that members of parliament would have so much of their own business to attend to, they would neglect the business of their constituents. For his own part, he should have drawn a contrary conclusion. If there was any period when members of parliament attended more particularly to the business of their constituents than another, it was when they were about to be dissolved. In the present condition of the country, a strong ground should be made out to justify an immediate dissolution; and he had no hesitation in saying, that those who could give such advice without such a ground, had not done their duty either to the king or to the country. Earl Bathurst observed, that the whole business of the session was yet to be done, and contended that it would be impossible to get through it in time to prepare for a dissolution at the end of six months. With regard to the precedents alluded to, he would have their lordships to consider in what state the public business was on those different occasions. In those cases, there was no necessity for adopting the course which, under the present circumstances, appeared expedient. Besides, since the death of his late majesty, there had been more excitation throughout the country, on the prospect of the new elections, than probably existed at any former period. Perhaps there was not an instance known before, in which the same paper that communicated the death of the king contained an advertisement from a candidate for the representation of a county. Lord King said, that the immediate dissolution would bring them to May before the new parliament could meet, and he would leave it to the House to con The Lord Chancellor said, that according to the law of parliament in former times, on the demise of the Crown, the parliament was ipso facto dissolved. He did not mean to say that it was not right for parliament to have extended its own existence for six months after the demise of the king, as was done by the act of William 3rd. His notion was, that the enactment was properly made, with a view to the public interest; but by that act it was not determined that the parliament should necessarily exist for six months after the demise-it was still left open to consideration how far the public convenience required that it should continue so to exist or not. If, on the other hand, they thwarted the purpose of dissolving parliament, by going on with business when the public convenience did not require it, they were the persons who took upon themselves to say that the Crown should not dissolve the parliament. If they threw obstacles in the way of the dissolution, they took upon themselves the authority of deciding the question; and therefore he would vote with his noble friends, not with a view to break in upon the prerogative of the Crown, but to prevent the prerogative from being interfered with. The motion was agreed to. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Friday, February 18. MESSAGE FROM THE KING.] The order of the day for taking into consideration his Majesty's Message having been read, Lord Castlereagh observed, that in rising to move an Address to his Majesty, it might be for the convenience of the House to state, what course it was the intention of ministers to propose. It was well known, that although before the late recess various bills had been agreed to, applicable to the then state of the country, the great mass of the public busi possible. ness of the session had not been entered He would now state to the upon. Under those circumstances, it be- House the particular business which micame indispensable for his majesty's ministers meant to propose for the considernisters to consider what course it would ation of the present parliament. With be most expedient to advise. There were respect to private business, the House only two courses which could be pursued was aware of the course that had been either to endeavour to go through the pursued on former dissolutions-namely, whole of the business, by extending the to make such an arrangement as would present session to the utmost length which place private business in the new parliathe law would allow, or to call a new par- ment in the same situation as that in which liament. The House would see that many it had been left in the old. As to public inconveniences would attend the former business, it was the wish of government of those courses. It would, in all proba- that the new parliament should be placed bility be scarcely practicable to complete in a situation the most calculated to be all the parliamentary business within the advantageous to the public service. It prescribed period, and to select those to- was not proposed to vote any additional pics to which the especial attention of par- sum for army services during the present liament should be directed, would be a dif- session. Enough had already been grantficult and an invidious task. Any measure ed to cover the expenditure in the interval not completed by the natural close of the that would elapse before the meeting of session, would not stand so advantageously the new parliament. It was intended to with reference to a new parliament, as if propose the continuance of the Mutiny absolutely commenced in that parliament. bill to the 25th of June, as well as of seThe House would also, he was persuaded, veral other bills that would otherwise exgo along with ministers in their convic- pire. It was probable that the House tion, that nothing could be less desirable, would arrive at the close of its labours by with reference to the public morals, and the end of the present month. If so, the he would even add, to the public tranquil- new parliament might assemble by the lity, than to leave the country for many 25th of April, when the business of the months subject to all the excitation and year would be immediately entered into. passions which the approach of a general The noble lord concluded by moving an election tended to generate. Weighing Address to his majesty, which was an echo the alternative presented to them, minis- of the Message. ters had decided in favour of a new parkament. It appeared to them, therefore, that the only sound proceeding was, to endeavour to confine the measures to be proposed in the present parliament as much as possible to those which were in-nication to parliament of a nature very dispensable to the public service. He was perfectly aware, that it had been the usage on similar occasions, on the first meeting of parliament after the demise of the Crown, to make provision for a great proportion of the civil establishment of the country. It certainly was the wish of his majesty's government that this subject should be satisfactorily arranged. But, on the other hand, it would require much time to prepare the proposition which it was their intention to submit to parliament on the subject; and it was also extremely desirable that that proposition should be adequately considered by the House, with calm minds and a full attendance; all which it was hopeless to expect during the existence of the present parliament. On all these grounds, therefore, ministers had decided on advising the Crown to call a new parliament with as little delay as Mr. Tierney declared, that the whole of the proceeding was the most extraordinary he had ever heard of. He did not believe that there had ever been an accession to the Crown without some commu different from that which had been made in the present instance. It had always been usual to say something of the feelings of the new monarch, and of the course of policy which it was his intention to pur sue. In the present case, the House had only been drily told, that his majesty's government found it convenient to send them about their business as soon as possible. It was true, it might be said, that on former occasions of the demise of the Crown, parliament was in a state of prorogation; and that there was, therefore, greater scope for observations of the nature to which he alluded, in the speech from the Throne, on its assembling. But on such an occasion as the present, there would have been no irregularity in summoning the House of Commons to attend in the other House of Parliament, for the purpose of hearing the royal sentiments. |