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under general titles. Each of these is subdivisible into more specific topics, having more specific titles; and these last into others, and they into still others, until the point of final analysis is gained. Example:

1. How composed.
2. Eligibility.
3. Tenure of office.

4. By whom chosen. [ 1. United-States 5. When chosen. Senate.

6. How classed. 7. Vacancies. 8. Vote. 9. Presiding officer. 10. Senate powers.


2. House of Rep



1. Proportion.
2. Apportionment.
3. Eligibility.
4. Term of office.
5. By whom chosen.
6. Electors.
7. Vacancies.

8. Census.
| 9. House powers.



The executive and judicial branches are each divisible and subdivisible into topics, the same as the legislative

branch. The sub-titles at the extreme right, or several of them, may be divided also. Take, for instance, ELIGIBILITY. Its conditions are, 1st, Age; 2d, Citizenship; 3d, Inhabitancy; 4th, Official Disencumbrance. Also SENATE POWERS: 1st, Legislative; 2d, Executive; 3d, Elective; 4th, Judicial.

Thus all the elements of kindred significance are grouped together in one table, under one common and appropriate title. For this purpose, paragraphs, sections, and clauses, whenever necessary, are severed from their original connections in the Constitution. Indeed, very little attention is paid to the original arrangement of the subjects of that document. The preceding example will give the teacher an idea of the manner in which lessons may be given by topics.

Exhaustively grouping the sections and clauses of the Constitution itself must necessarily make thorough work at every step. Every element of the main subject, even to critical minuteness, will be clearly comprehended by the pupil. He will experience the scholarly satisfaction also, that something is completed every lesson.

In the tabular arrangement of the sections and clauses of the Constitution, nothing is omitted or added; and, as far as possible, the precise language of that instrument is retained.

Familiar and critical explanations of the Analysis, topic by topic, in the order of their arrangement, are given according to the views of the most eminent writers on constitutional law. Very little or no claim is laid by the author to originality of construction. In this, he acknowledges his entire indebtedness to the illustrious men who formed the Constitution, as their views appear in the Madison Papers and the Federalist; and to the profound jurists whose works are accepted by the legal profession as of the highest authority.

For several years, there has been a growing conviction among educators, that civil government should be added to the list of studies in all our schools of the higher grades, and in the advanced classes of the common school.

The school-boy of to-day becomes the voter of to-morrow. The millions of youth now in the schools of America are soon to decide all the grave questions of national interest which concern us as a people. The ballot more than the bullet must determine the destiny of our country. The ballot in the hands of the ignorant may do more mischief than the torch of the incendiary in the towers of the metropolis.

If the publication of this work shall contribute to a more extended acquaintance by the masses of American youth with the fundamental principles of our government, the purpose for which it was written will be realized.


ROCHESTER, N.Y., October, 1868.



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In these days, a new book can vindicate its claims to public notice and favor only on the ground that the topics of which it treats are absolutely new, or that it discusses a known subject in such a manner as to make us instantly feel that it meets an acknowledged want.

Such is the claim we make for the book before us. It treats a common subject, — one that was ably presented by the distinguished Judge Story, some thirty years since, in convenient form for the use of schools, and, since, by several authors of less distinction, though of acknowledged ability. But the peculiar merit of our author consists in the analytical method which he adopts. His aim is purely didactic, and to teach exactly what the Constitution contains.

This book is one that was not made, but grew. Prof. Townsend, the author, has for years made civil government a speciality in lessons and lectures before the teachers' institutes of New York. What was small and unpretending in the beginning has thus grown into importance on his hands, until it has become the full, well-rounded treatise which is here presented.

He has been urged to the preparation and publication of this work by the myriad voices of educators and teachers who have listened to his instructive lessons upon a subject which is usually so dry and repulsive.

He has drawn the materials for his work from original sources, and from commentaries of classic excellence. We see traces of interminable rummagings of the Madison Papers, the Federalist, Elliot's Debates, Story and Rawle on the Constitution, Kent's and Blackstone's Commentaries, as well as the most patient gleanings from official, statistical, and chronological tables.

In reading the author's manuscript, as I was permitted to do, I was struck with its absolute freedom from all political bias, the pure ether of impartiality that marks every page, the clear and well-defined statement of fact, and, above all, the almost faultless analysis and symmetry of the entire work.

The author has published the analysis in chart form, separate from the book, in large type, suitable for display in the schoolroom ; and has thus furnished an invaluable aid in the study of the book and in class-rehearsals.

We commend the book as a conscientious one, made on honor, and calculated to last. Not only graded schools, but colleges and the higher institutions of learning, will find it of advantage to introduce it into their course of study. The student of civil government will thank the author for such a book, as it will surely kindle a taste for the study of this subject. Besides, it will do much to remove the popular ignorance regarding our institutions, too long prevalent in this country, where the humblest citizen is invested with the attributes of political sovereignty.


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