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tavus Conyngham began to cruise from the moment he had a good offing.

Good fortune attended the Revenge from the very moment she sighted the coast of England, for on her second day out she captured a large ship, and the day following a brig. They were despatched, as were all the subsequent prizes, to Spanish ports, where Hortalez & Co. had established agencies, and there they were disposed of to French and Spanish merchants and the money forwarded to the Commissioners and their agents. During this remarkable cruise Conyngham kept at sea for two months, and then made a visit to Spain and returned once more to the cruising-ground. Over forty sail of all kinds were taken as prizes, and but few of them were recaptured or destroyed.

The Revenge ran in and out of Irish and, on one or two occasions, English ports with impunity. In the harbors of his own birth-country Conyngham paid for what he took in the way of supplies with orders on Lazzonere & Co., Spanish agents of Hortalez et Cie., representing himself as an honest merchantman. He crossed the Bay of Biscay a half-dozen times, and from Corunna and other places made reports to the Commissioners in Paris. It was while he was engaged in this exciting occupation that King George III. is reported to have said to Lord North that "if they could catch that pirate Conyngham, he would rejoice to go to his hanging."

Of course, with the first news that Conyngham was taking prizes along the coast there arose a storm of indignation in England, and troublesome clouds began to gather at Paris and Versailles. The long-suffering English Ambassador actually began to pack up his things and to threaten open war. So a scapegoat must be found, and poor Hodge, the agent at Dunkirk, was the man at whom the finger of the Comte de Vergennes was pointed, for he was the one who had appeared first on Conyngham's bond. All of the circumstances were aggravated by the fact that during the first week of Conyngham's departure Captain Wickes and his three vessels, having narrowly escaped capture, returned to French ports after having taken a few prizes in the Irish Channel. They, of course, having been built and

outfitted in America, were in a different class, so far as the French Government was concerned, from the Revenge, but still their coming further incensed British popular feeling and hurried Lord Stormont in his preparations for departure. So they clapped Mr. Hodge into the Bastile, and the Comte de Vergennes, in writing to Mr. F. Grand, the Commissioners' banker in Paris, under date of August 21, '77, states that Hodge gave bonds and engagements that there should be no cruising on the French coast, and says, referring to Mr. Hodge, "It is a very serious matter to lie to a king, which he hath done when he declared and gave bonds that the vessel leaving Dunkirk should not make a cruise."

Lord Stormont's threats, gathered from his correspondence, were as follows: He declared that if a summary example were not made of the American agents, orders would be given to the British fleet to intercept and seize the French Newfoundland fleet just then expected to arrive. He also on August 10 declared to the French Court "that any French ships bound to the American ports with arms or ammunition shall be deemed lawful prizes by the Court of Great Britain if taken." He also declares it "to be the intention of the English Court to treat all American privateersmen as pirates."

A letter in the "Times," dated from Paris, at this juncture reads as follows: "England threatens France with her navy; France menaces her with an army; they are both tinder-the least spark will kindle a flame. War is suspended by a threat. It is the power of any Captain in the navy to begin it on the morrow. The commission of Congress must be considered valid on the part of France to make a capture a lawful prize . . . which was shown by the conduct of the Court in regard to Conyngham, who was placed within the walls of a prison while he enjoyed in secret all the advantages of a free man. Cover is now no longer necessary. France has an army in readiness: she has fleets; she is ready to strike a blow. May England be prepared. Stormont was not wanting in attaining intelligence. He had good spies, but thought the Ministry were in his favor and the Queen only in favor of Franklin; hence he became a dupe to their arts."

Let us see what Franklin thought of the whole proceeding. He writes from Paris on July 27, 1777, thus:

"The King has complied with the request of Lord Stormont and committed Mr. Hodge to the Bastile. Mr. Hodge will not experience any inconvenience except a temporary deprivation of liberty." So Conyngham was helping to accomplish the very thing he most wished to see-war between France and England.

In a letter from Silas Deane to Robert Morris, referring to the doings of Yankee cruisers in English waters, Mr. Deane observes that "they effectually alarmed England, prevented the great fair at Chester, occasioned insurance to rise, and even deterred the English merchants from shipping goods in French bottoms, at any rate, so that in a few weeks forty sail of French ships were loading in the Thames on freight, an instance never before known." Further on the Commissioner adds: “In a word, Cunningham [Conyngham], by his first and second bold exhibitions, is become the terror of all the eastern coast of England and Scotland, and is more dreaded than Thurot was in the late war."

Cooper says in this same reference: "Insurance in some instances rose as high as twenty-five per cent., and it is even affirmed that there was a short period when ten per cent. was asked between Dover and Calais, a short distance of only seven leagues."

We have left Mr. Hodge in the Bastile. Upon the safe arrival of the Newfoundland fleet he was released, and that is all there is to say of that.

Captain Conyngham at last gave up cruising in British waters and took the Revenge into the harbor of Ferrol. Unfortunately, he was now in hot water with the Spanish Court, for he had sent in a vessel that claimed to be Spanish, and it was taken, at the written request of his crew, into Teneriffe, with order to be sent to Martinique. There was much correspondence and protest between the Count d'Aranda, Spanish Minister at Paris, with the Comte de Vergennes and with Franklin.

Touching at the West Indies, where he stayed for a short time, Conyngham sailed at last for home, and arrived in Philadelphia in February, 1779, where

the Revenge was turned over to Congressional authorities and sold at public sale by the National Government.

Odd to remark, Conyngham, a few weeks later, was on the quarter-deck of the Revenge again, for the vessel was purchased by his cousin's firm, Conyngham, Nesbit & Co., and he sailed in her as part owner and as privateersman from the Capes of the Delaware, under his old commission of March 2. But now he begins to meet with misfortune. referring to his detention in Philadelphia and his sailing under his old commission, he writes thus:

After

I went round to New York-laid in the roads, two privateers who followed me kept in sight-I made every effort to get them to come down, but to no effect-then made chase the d-I would have it, led me into the very after them, but to no purpose-at length, as teeth of the Gallatea (Captain Jordan). I made effort to escape, but in vain, her teeth were too many. I was taken-my crew were I was lodged in the condemned dungeon for sent on board the prison ship in New Yorkfourteen days. I lived on a four-penny loaf of bread, with bad water. I was then examined, taken out of the dungeon, put in a room called Congress Hall, with other prisoners. Again I was removed-had iron shackles weight of 55 lbs. put on me, placed in irons on the deck of the packet; then carried to Pendennis castle, a large figure 4 of iron placed on each hand, then sent to Plymouth, lodged in the guard-room outside of the prison-then taken before the judges, examined and committed to Winchester under the high treason statute, attempted afterwards to escape, but was retaken; again attempted it and was successful, with a constitution shattered by illtreatment, but with a spirit unbroken. I determined to be revenged or die a glorious death on behalf of my adopted country. G. CONYNGHAM.

The date of his capture was the 27th of April, 1779, and he arrived in England the first week of July. His life in prison seems to have been a succession of hardships and attempts to escape, of all of which he made record in a most remarkable diary. Twice he broke loose. Once he deliberately walked out in the disguise of a visiting doctor, and at last he succeeded in digging out, with fifty-three American prisoners, on the 3d of November, after six months' imprisonment.

He succeeded in reaching London, where he found friends, and there, in disguise, he walked the streets and read with amusement of the attempts made to recapture him and his companions.

He

had the satisfaction of seeing a picture of himself in a print-shop window, labeled "The notorious pirate, Conyngham," and representing him to be an enormous creature almost seven feet in height, of fierce aspect, with a belt full of pistols, and an enormous hanger almost six feet in length trailing at his side.

The party that had escaped with him had broken up into small detachments, and before he had found opportunity to get away from London and cross the Channel several of his companions had worked their way to Portsmouth and succeeded in reaching the shores of France in an open boat; but it must not be supposed that during the time of his imprisonment. his good friend, Dr. Franklin, had neglected him this we can see by looking once more at Franklin's correspondence, There is one letter that is of interest in this connection:

"I see by your newspapers," wrote Franklin from Paris to Hartley at London (Hartley, M.P., secret friend of America) during the summer of 1779, "that Capt. Cunningham, one of our cruisers, is at length taken and carried prisoner into England, where it is proposed to try him as a pirate, on the pretence that he had no commission. As I am well acquainted with the fact, I can assure you that he really had a Congress commission. And I cannot believe that mere resentment, occasioned by his uncommon success, will attempt to sacrifice a brave man, who has always behaved as a generous enemy-witness his treatment of his prisoners taken in the Harwich pacquet, and all afterwards that fell into his hands. I know I shall not offend you recommending him warmly to your protection."

Mr. Jonathan Nesbit, of the firm that owned the Revenge at the time of her capture, was in L'Orient in September of '79. Under the date of 22d of that month he wrote to Benjamin Franklin a letter in which he informs the American Minister of the capture of Conyngham, supposing that the news was unknown to him. In it he relates that Conyngham had been sent to England to be tried for piracy, and goes on to say: "They pretend to say that he took the Harwich packet without having any commission, which your Excellency must know to be false, as I believe that you were in Paris at the time that

he

his commission and orders were delivered him. The commission under which acted as Captain of the Revenge is dated, I apprehend, after the taking of the Harwich packet. It is on this circumstance, no doubt, that the charge of piracy is founded. His first commission was taken from him in Dunkirk after he was put in gaol, and sent up to Paris, and I think was lodged in the hands of Mons. le Comte de Vergennes. de Vergennes. I have to request that your Excellency will do everything in your power to prevent this poor fellow from suffering." Then he goes on to recapitulate the value of Conyngham's services, of which, as we know, the good Doctor was well informed.

To this letter Franklin replied from Passy, under the date of September 29:

TO MR. NESBIT

Passy, Sept. 29, 1779.

Sir,-Capt. Conyngham has not been neglected. As soon as I heard of his arrival in England, I wrote to a friend to furnish him with what money he might want, and to assure him that he had never acted without a commission. I have been made to understand in answer that there is no intention to prosecute him, and that he was accordingly removed from Pendennis Castle and put among the common prisoners at Plymouth, to take his turn for exchange. The Congress, hearing of the threats to sacrifice him put 3 officers in close confinement to abide his fate, and acquainted Sir George Collier with their determination, who probably wrote to the British Ministers. I thank you for informing me what became of his first commission. Î suppose I can easily recover it, to produce on occasion. Probably the date of that taken with him, being posterior to his capture of the pacquet, made the enemy think they had an advantage against him.

Nothing was heard from Conyngham except the fact that he was alive, until Franklin received the following letter:

Amsterdam, Nov. 18th, 1779.

Dear Sir, I have the pleasure to inform you that on the 3rd instant, with about 50 of our unfortunate countrymen, broke out of Mill prison. I brought 3 officers with me. I came by the way of London, it being the safest. At London we meet with our good friend Mr. Digges, who did everything in his power to serve one and all his countrymen that chance to fall in his way. Happy we to have such a man among that set of tryants they have in that country. The treatment I have received is unparalleled. Irons, dungeons, hunger, the hangman's cart I have experienced. I shall set off from here the 19th from Dunkirk. There I shall be glad to hear from you. I shall always be ready to

serve my country, and happy should I be to be able to come alongside some of those petty tryants. I find something of the effects of my confinement. In a short time will be able to retaliate. I shall at this time go out with Capt. Jones or in the squadron, could I have heard from you. I should be glad to go for the Continent if a good opportunity served. In this I shall take your advice, and act accordingly. The cash Mr. Digges supplied me with, and some necessaries I got at Plymouth; the friend we have at Plymouth is obliged to act with the greatest caution. Mr. Redmond Conyngham, in Ireland, has ordered me some little supply through the hands of David Hartley of London, a mortel enemy of America by all accounts. From your most obet, and very humble servt, G. CONYNGHAM.

Of course at this time John Paul Jones was the hero of the hour in Europe; a little less than two months before, he had captured the Serapis, which was the culmination of his career of successful cruising on the coasts of Great Britain; but owing to the trouble with the Dutch Government, Commodore Jones was forced to put to sea on the 27th of December from the Texel, and with him sailed as an officer Captain Conyngham. He went round to L'Orient and thence to Corunna, where he joined the Experiment and sailed for America.

Unfortunately for poor Conyngham, however, the Experiment was captured by the British Admiral Edwards, and Conyngham found himself again a prisoner. He was sent to Plymouth and then to Mill prison. Again he suffered untold hardships until the day of his release.

That Captain Jones had considered him a regular appointed officer of the United States Navy is proved by the fact that he had summoned him while on board the Alliance as a member of a court martial.

As soon as Conyngham was free again he found himself in a peculiar position. For some reason (principally from lack of money), the Government deferred the settlement of claims to a future date, and fought with all possible vigor many just payments that should have been made from the public treasury. Again and again was Conyngham put off, though he petitioned yearly, as he himself states, from '79 to the year '98. Then, in '93, the case came under judgment; but many of the witnesses were dead, Dr. Franklin among them. Some of the Commissioner's agents turned against him, and

He

his suit for restitution of funds and back payments was held not proven. claimed but two-twentieths of the value of the prizes taken, that proportion being due to all regularly commissioned officers of the navy under an Act of Congress.

During the quasi-war with France Conyngham was in command of the armed brig Maria, of which he was part owner, and made several cruises, which, however, did not bring him in much money in return. In the War of 1812, though advanced in age and broken down in health, he endeavored once more to go to sea, but was forced to give it up.

During all this time he endeavored to keep alive his fight for recognition. Year after year he sent in petitions to Congress and tried to get a review of his claims. He caused many inquiries to be made for the lost commission, the possession of which would have determined at once his position in earlier days.

In a review of his case by Benjamin Walker for the Government, much stress was laid upon the fact that he could produce no proof in substantiation of his assertions. The commission had not been recorded at the time, and even the one that the British had taken from him could not be produced in evidence.

Every man has his enemies, and some were found who declared that the first commission had never existed and that Conyngham had been a freebooter, who had turned everything he could get to his credit. In vain he presented his sworn accounts, receipts, and bills from the Spanish agents, but in answer he was told that they were acting for a private corporation. Bitterer and bitterer he grew, until by some he was considered to have his mind unhinged on the subject. Twice he himself searched for the missing commission in Paris, but no trace of it could be found, and at last he died in Philadelphia, on the 27th day of November, 1819.

And now out of the mysterious past comes to light the very paper for which he sought. It might be some satisfaction if the half-undecipherable inscription on the crumbling tombstone in St. Peter's churchyard could be renewed and if there could be added to the curious old acrostic the words "Captain in the Navy of the United Colonies by virtue of "—by virtue of what we know now.

B

One Result

By Grace Denio Litchfield

EAUTIFUL Mrs. Haviland was dashing through the Park in her victoria, her six-year-old son by her side. The autumn breeze was blowing freshly, and the two exquisite rosetinged faces, one a smaller replica of the other, made a rare picture. Almost every one turned to look at them as they passed. Those who knew the lady bowed and smiled, or bowed and did not smile, while she had only the same slight but captivating glance of recognition for each. A gentleman on a fine bay joined her before she had gone far, and made the tour beside her carriage. After that still more of the passers turned to look, and fewer smiled as they bowed. But the radiance of her look never faltered, and if the rose of her cheek was somewhat deeper, so was the boy's, and the afternoon was grown cold.

It was five o'clock when the victoria left the Park, and, rolling down the avenue, turned into the broad, substantially built side street near the corner of which was the lady's home. The gentleman on the bay accompanied her as far as the street corner, and there took leave. A little girl, watching with straining eyes from an upstairs window, saw him as he lifted his hat from his handsome blond head, and wondered vaguely who he was. Any one of Mrs. Haviland's many servants could have told her. But Ruth never talked with the servants. She rarely talked even with the nurse or with Miss Murray, her governess, who, however, though a miracle of gentleness and well-preserved if characterless prettiness, was not precisely a confidence-eliciting person. She did not talk much even with her ltttle brother, though she played with him by the hour on rainy afternoons, keeping him absorbed from first to last when no one else could manage the self-willed little fellow for ten minutes at a time.

She went now to the head of the stairs, partly to meet Harry, but more to catch a glimpse of her idolized mother. Harry did not come up, however. Mrs. Haviland's maid was sent for downstairs to

remove her wraps, and Ruth, peeping over the banisters, had a gratifying vision of her mother reflected in the long hallglass, as the lady stood before it while the maid deftly pinned back a lock escaped from the loose coil of her hair. Do mirrors realize when they are blessed? Not to many is it given to reflect so complete and satisfying a beauty as was this lady's. But all too soon she turned away, and, calling to Harry, took him in with her to the tea-table to stand at her elbow like a bewitching little page while she poured tea. She often took him in with her so that is, if people were coming.

Ruth went slowly away from her post, therefore, knowing that Harry would not come up as long as the good time lasted. On her way to the school-room she passed her father coming down from his study. He did not see her in the semi-darknessnobody ever seemed to see Ruth unless there were a bright light-and she slipped silently by, not caring in the least that he had not seen her, nor that if he had he might not have noticed her save by a grave nod. It was Harry whom he always saw and always stopped to speak to. Why should he or any one speak to her? For there was nothing about her even remotely like her mother. She was a singularly plain child, upon whom no amount of tasteful dressing conferred any saving distinction, and the consciousness of her unattractiveness lay like an added blight upon her personality.

It was past the children's supper hour when Harry came dancing into the nursery, where he and Ruth took their meals. Mrs. Haviland, too, would soon be coming upstairs to dress for dinner. Ruth was meditating slipping out into the hall for another sight of her as she swept radiantly down the passage to her room, when— wonder of wonders!-the nursery door opened and she came in. It was only to give the nurse some direction about Harry's toilette for the next day's drive, but Ruth's heart beat with joy at the sight of her.

Harry was looking particularly charming just then. His curls were tumbled all

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