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THE WEEK: ie Race Problem: Points of Agreement 939 le Voter's Assistant Law in Delaware. 939 Pure Food" Corruption in Missouri.... 940 muter-Organization by Employers. ... 941 diana's Weekly Pay-Day Law Overthrown 941

Plumbers' Combination Dissolved 942

ie Irish National Convention 942

akan Unrest 943

issia and Austria 943

ie Trouble in the Carolines 944

Ishop Brent on Christian Unity 944

onsigrior Alcocer's Pastoral Letter 945

arther Prayer->Book Revision 946

abbi Gottheil 947

jan Robblns 948

he Blind Chaplain 948

acatlon Camps 949

others of Churches 949

EDITORIALS:

National Problem 950

he St. Louis Fair 952

Mediaevallsm Not the Gospel 953

The Spectator 955

CONTRIBUTED ARTICLES:
The Forest.—Chapter VI. The 'Lunge.... 95r

By Stewart Edward White
The Forsaken (Poem) 960

By Duncan Campbell Scott

A Preacher's Story of His Work.—IV.... 962
By W. S. Ralnsford

CollegevUle—A Community in Miniature 965
By Ernest Hamlin Abbott

To the Hepatlca (Poem) 967

By May Morgan

The Bohemian in America 968

By Edward A. Stelner

BOOKS AND AUTHORS:
Some Modern Interpretations of Christianity 972
Books of the Week 976

CORRESPONDENCE 981

INDEX TO VOLUME LXXHI 985

Pile Outlook is a Weekly Newspaper and an Illustrated Monthly Magazine in one. It is published every Saturday—fifty-two issues a year. The first issue in each month is an Illustrated Magazine Number, containing about twice as many pages as the regular weekly issue, and many pictures.

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Bow to Remit.—Remittances should be sent by Draft on New York, Express-Order, or Money-Order, payable to order of The Outlook Company. Cash should be sent in Registered Letter.

Letters should be addressed:

THE OUTLOOK COMPANY

287 Fourth Avenue, New York

Copyright, 1903, by The Outlook Company. Entered as second-class matter in the New York Post-Office.

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Vol. 73

April 25, 1903

No. 17

A meeting to promote

The Race Question: .. i • i i

Point, of Agreement the industrial education of the negro was held under the auspices of the Armstrong Association at the Madison Square Garden Concert Hall, New York City, on April 14. Ex-President Cleveland was chairman of the meeting. Mayor Low, in introducing the chairman, stated tersely the motive that actuated those who are interested in such institutions as Hampton and Tuskegee by recalling " the ancient truth that the divinest help to any man is helping him to help himself." The speakers of the evening, Mr. Cleveland, Edgar Gardner Murphy, of Alabama, Secretary of the Southern Education Board, Dr. Lyman Abbott, William H. Baldwin, Jr., President of the Long Island Railroad and Treasurer of Tuskegee Institute, and Booker T. Washington, represented different sections of the country, different political parties, and different races. Their substantial and wholly unpremeditated agreement concerning the principles involved in the solution of the race problem was therefore the more remarkable. These were, in brief: that though, in Mr. Cleveland's phrase, " those who do the lifting of the weight must be those who stand next to it," the whole Nation must share in the burden, the people of the North in particular doing what they can to give strength to those on whom * the burden rests directly; that political privileges cannot be bestowed upon the negroes, but can only be achieved by them; that their political freedom must wait upon their economic freedom, as in the case of any other race; that the negroes have already amply proved that both morally and industrially they were capable of elevation; and that their elevation must come primarily by means of an education that will give them industrial self-reliance. Two statements made at the meeting substan

tiating .these principles are worthy of special mention. One was that of Mr. Baldwin, who said of Tuskegee, an institution established and maintained by negroes, that " its accounts are kept as carefully as any banker's;" the other was that by Mr. Washington, who said that in Virginia alone negroes had accumulated $17,000,000, assessed value, of taxable property—negroes who forty years ago did not own even themselves. Hampton and Tuskegee are strategical points in the battle for the education of the negro; both of them are well established; but it involves waste of energy on the part of Mr. Frissell and Mr. Washington to keep them provided with supplies; these two points at least ought to be permanently occupied and made centers from which forces for the education of the negro should get recruits. This means adequate endowment.

® _. ,, , . If there were any doubt

The Voter s Assistant '

Law in Delaware that Governor Hunn, of Delaware, is in league with J. Edward Addicks and intends to support the latter in his tight for the United States Senatorship, such doubt would be removed by the Governor's "pocket veto" of the bill repealing the Voter's Assistant Law, which was passed by the Delaware Legislature just before its adjournment. Nobody denies that the law was intended to facilitate the purchase of votes by Mr. Addicks and his workers, and that the voter's assistants acted as tally-clerks to check up the votes that Mr. Addicks bought and insure the "delivery of the goods" for which he paid. When the so-called "repealer" was under discussion in the Legislature, Senator Conner, one of Mr. Addicks's stanchest adherents, boldly defended the law, and opposed its repeal, on the ground that, as he frankly said, "It insures delivery of the goods, When I buy a horse, I want my horse. When a Republican buys a vote, he wants his vote. When a Democrat buys a vote, he wants his vote. So, you see, there are, as I contend, no politics in it; for Mr. Democrat has thus an opportunity to get his vote, instead of being cheated out of it, as he has been so many times in this State." In the face of this shameless and cynical defense of the law by one of Mr. Addicks's chief adherents, in spite of the uncontradicted facts with regard to its operation recently set forth in these columns by Mr. Kennan, and in contemptuous disregard of the representations and appeals made to him by clergymen, delegations, and honest, patriotic citizens from all parts of the State, Governor Hunn has practically vetoed the repeal of this obnoxious law by withholding his signature until the constitutional limit of thirty days has expired. In so doing he has given his support to the boldest briber and vote-buyer now in the political field, and has virtually joined Senator Conner in declaring that when an office-seeker buys a vote, he is entitled to the " delivery of the goods."

®
The State of Mis-

"PureiFn0Mi;,soCu0"Up,ion souri has been defrauded and its Legislature corrupted by a decoy "Public Health Society," created, it is said, in the interests of a baking-powder combination to aid it in suppressing competition. Last week, through the efforts of the county prosecuting attorney at Jefferson City, supported by the Attorney-General of the State and Circuit Attorney Folk, a startling amount of evidence was brought before the Grand Juries at the capital city and in St. Louis, demonstrating the lavish use of bribery in the State Senate, and leading to the indictment of several of its most prominent members. One of the indictments returned was for the acceptance of a bribe in connection with school text-book legislation, but the others were all connected with the Public Health Society's " Pure Food " Bill. This measure was smuggled through the Legislature in 1899, under the guise of protecting the public against food adulterations. It was aimed, however, particularly at the use of alum in the preparation of bakingpowder, and for that reason was supported

by the so-called baking-powder trust—the competitors of which, it is alleged, use alum in preparing their wares. No doubt there are good reasons for condemning the use of alum on hygienic grounds, but the passage of the Pure Food Bill was intended to give the four manufactories in the so-called trust a practical monopoly in Missouri. This effect was made apparent by suits brought by a son of United States Senator Stone against baking-powder firms not in the combination. At the session of 1901 a repeal bill was introduced and passed the lower house by a large majority, but was held up in the Senate—partly through the influence of Senator Stone, who appeared as attorney for the so-called Public Health Society. At the last session of the Legislature the repeal bill was again passed by the House, but was defeated in the Senate by the casting vote of Lieutenant-Governor Lee. Tliis officer, who has completely broken down in health during the present investigation, has confessed that the agent of the socalled baking-powder trust made several attempts to bribe him, and after the repeal bill was defeated sent him a check for $1,000. This check he kept for some ten days, or, as the St. Louis" Post-Dispatch" puts it, until he saw that exposure was imminent. Some of the Senators involved in the bribe-taking appear to have made a clean breast of the matter before one or the other of the Grand Juries, while two others are in hiding. A sweeping crossfire of indictments appears to be in preparation, the Jefferson City Grand Jury indicting accused corruptionists for briber)', while the St. Louis Grand Jury indicts them for perjury at earlier investigations. The effective co-operation of the prosecuting authorities at the capital and at the metropolis does much to counteract for the State the shame of the legislative misdoings. Circuit Attorney Folk is certainly not making this fight alone, and in St. Louis itself it appears that he is much more widely supported than the report— which we erroneously accepted—of the recent councilmanic election indicated. The upper house of the newly elected Council proves to be exceptionally satisfactory to the reformers. It was only in a few wards that machine candidates obnoxious to the Circuit Attorney were elected to the lower house.

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