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slow to take advantage of his opportunity and began to preach larger things, taking are also to preach humility of spirit. He rides only a donkey, so it is reported, and is preceded by a man carrying a prayer-rug. He inaugurated a jehad, or holy war, against the Sultan, and, in his own opinion, so close to success has he come that he has appointed viziers and other officials and set up a court with every symbol of royalty. After taking several strongholds, he besieged Fez itself, but, perhaps because of unexpected resistance, now claims that he is fighting, not to seize the throne himself, but in order to enthrone the Sultan's brother, who had been unjustly degraded and imprisoned, but has now been released by the Sultan. The army of the Sultan has been already severely crippled; he is now strengthening the defenses of Fez. As the insurrection extends to the wild tribes who live on both sides of the still rather inaccurately defined Moroccan frontier, France has ordered thither detachments from the twenty-five thousand zouaves and tirailleurs who guard the Moroccan-Algerian hinterland, while Spain patrols the African coast with war-ships. Thus the insurrection may yet involve the Powers, despite tiieir joint assurance last week that they would regard it only as " an internal affair."
Bismarck once prophesied
The Future of .. . .. „ .
Morocco tnat tne Moroccan question would set all Europe by the ears. But the question is simpler than it was in his day. It is seen that France, because it now possesses all the land about Morocco, is the Power chiefly interested in Morocco's future; indeed, were Morocco added to Algiers and Tunis (the only really admirable French colonies), the last obstacle to a great, logically rounded French North African empire would be removed. Hence, France has long been looking for an excuse to invade Morocco, of course "as a protective measure." "hen that invasion occurs, it will be far more significant of future control than Spain's descent upon Ceuta or England's upon Tangier. Those are coast places on the fringe of the great unconquered country. For Morocco itself has never known foreign dominion. The Turks progressed westward no further than Tunis
and Algiers, and the Arabs no further than the Moroccan lowlands. The people of the main part of the country, of the mountains, have always been independent, fierce, fanatical. Neither France nor any other Power will easily conquer those mountain tribes. Yet if France does this ultimately, the Powers will also demand, and rightly, the fulfillment of certain conditions. Spain, as the nearest part of Europe to Morocco, as possessing Ceuta and Melilla on the Moroccan mainland, and as having a greater number of subjects in Morocco than those from any other European country, might be pacified by a great money equivalent in return for Spanish-African territory, and by an entrance into the Franco-Russian alliance. England, as the possessor of Gibraltar, opposite and close to Tangier, would demand a guarantee that a free highway to the Orient should be preserved. Germany would stipulate that her traders now busily at work in building up a new market (ousting the English, who in Morocco have hitherto had twice the trade of any other power) should be protected in their present extraordinary privileges. This protection, however, should not be the exclusive possession of any one nation; it should be extended to all traders. As the brave Boers have fallen before the British, so the savage Moors may fall before the French. But, as the world's commerce will be the gainer through the opening to it of South Africa, so the opendoor policy should one day be applied to North Africa.
The culmination of the
The Imperia^purb.r sp,endid festivities at
Delhi in honor of Edward VII. was his proclamation as Emperor of India on New Year's Day. India is always fond of gorgeous spectacles, and the ruling nation has always encouraged Oriental magnificence and has indeed cleverly used it for the support of Occidental rule. Lord Curzon, the Viceroy of India, and Lady Curzon, his American wife, were surrounded by a brilliant group of notables, white and brown; the Duke of Connaught represented his royal and imperial brother; Lord Kitchener stood for the military might of the Empire; native princes and rajahs clad in silks and resplendent in jewels surrounded the amphitheater whence the proclamation was made; on the plain around were thousands of soldiers, not only British, but Pathans, Ghoorkas, and other native regiments, batteries drawn by elephants, cavalry in picturesque variety of uniform, and beyond a vast multitude of the common people in clothing of many hues. The durbar was opened with the flourish of trumpets, the royal standard was raised on high, bonfires were lighted far and wide, and finally the Viceroy read a message from King Edward, renewing " the assurances of my regard for the liberties of the Indian people; of my respect for their dignities and rights; of my interest in their advancement, and of my devotion to their welfare." Lord Curzon's own address prophesied prosperity for India, and incidentally announced that it had been decided not to exact interest for three years on all loans made or guaranteed by the Government of India to the Native States in connection with the recent famine. One especially interesting feature of the durbar week (for a whole week was given up to ceremonies and functions) was the opening of the Indian Arts Exhibition. Lord Curzon's address was a strong plea for arresting the progress of decay in the native arts, and the debasing of modern models. He said that it was certain that if many old Indian arts and handicrafts were to be revived and placed in a flourishing condition, it could only be done by the patronage of the Indian chiefs, the aristocracy and cultured persons, but so long as these preferred to fill their palaces with flaming Brussels carpet, cheap British furniture, Italian mosaics, French oleographs, Austrian lusters, and German brocades, there was not much hope.
With more or less jus
^sou"^ in tice> Mr- J°sePh Chamberlain, British Colonial Secretary, has been regarded in many quarters as an instigator of the Boer war, not only because of the character of his correspondence with President Kruger immediately preceding that conflict, but also because of his attitude regarding the Jameson Raid. Friend and foe, therefore, will note with satisfaction that, instead of
directing from London the settlement o the complicated questions in South Atria resulting from the war, Mr. Chamberlaii is giving his personal attention to then on the ground itself. He has arrived it Natal, and his visit will include all of th< British colonies in that part of the Af ricai continent. He purposes to confer with th representatives of all the different interest concerned, Boer and British alike. A to the latter, his speeches have alread; excited much colonial enthusiasm. On of his critics remarked that, after th< extraordinary achievement of inducing th< people of Natal to shout themselve: hoarse over the privilege of taxing them selves for the payment of millions of wa losses, Mr. Chamberlain ought to be sen from one end of the Empire to the other as the seductive recruiting sergeant anc practical tax-gatherer of the Imperia Federation. At all events, the Colonia Secretary's present undertaking consti tutes a new and personal element in tin consolidation of the Empire. It is cer tainly a statesmanlike departure from tht routine ruts of administration. It ma> even result in such a contribution to tht growth of imperial feeling in England and in the colonies that a series of official visits to each of the chief groups of British possessions will be undertaken
The Chinese Indemnity Wu-Ting-Fang, until
a month ago Chinese Minister to the United Stages, declared long since that his country would be found to be unable to pay in gold the entire amount of the indemnity demanded by the Powers for the Boxer outrages of 1900. When the first payment became due on July 1, 1902, it was offered in silver, which had then somewhat depreciated in value. This payment was accepted under protest by all the foreign Governments concerned. Our own Government, accepting the statement of Minister Wu and having an earnest interest in the preservation of China's integrity and perpetuity as a nation, reserved the right to demand any balance of the installment due if the entire settlement should ultimately be made on a gold basis as agreed. This tolerant attitude gave great comfort to the Chinese—who now offer the second payment in a still more depreciated currency—and propertionate discomfort to the representatives of the otherGovernmentsat Peking. They ascribe the present difficulty to the quasifavor shown by the United States Government to the silver argument. When the treaty arrangement was made, the value in gold of the Chinese tael was nearly seventy-five cents; since then the tael's value has depreciated until it is now worth slightly over sixty cents. To liquidate on a gold basis, therefore, China would be obliged to pay the difference between these figures on every tael, which in the aggregate, according to Minister Wu, would deplete the Government's resources and leave it bankrupt. Yet the Foreign Ministers at Peking apparently insist more stoutly than ever that indemnity payments should be made on a gold basis—that is, in silver at the ratio of gold which existed at the time when the indemnity was fixed. The present loss indicates some idea of the tremendous burden under which any country labors in attempting to do business with foreign nations on the silver standard. The opposition to payments in a depreciated currency may produce, not only an immediately serious internal situation, so far as the actual Chinese Government is concerned, but also a far more difficult international complication in reopening questions which not long since threatened to bring about the partition of China among the Powers. Instead of such a result, The Outlook prefers to think that out of the present imbroglio there may arise a new case to be submitted to the Hague Tribunal of Arbitration.
For some time antivivisectionists have been trying to put through Congress certain bills to restrict and largely to prohibit experiments upon living animals in the District of Columbia. These bills, if passed, would undoubtedly have great influence upon the Legislatures of the various States. It happened that a recent surgical operation, which has attracted much public attention, performed successfully upon a midshipman of the Naval Academy, was made possible by discoveries of vivisectionists. The surgeon who performed the operation. Dr. W. W. Keen, of Philadelphia, one of the highest authorities of his profession in this country,
wrote to Senator Gallinger, the sponsor of these bills, informing him of this fact. Thereupon Senator Gallinger replied at some length. He greatly weakened his case, however, both by making an unworthy intimation that Dr. Keen was guilty or misrepresentation and was actuated by motives of self-advertisement, and by assuming to write with the authority of a medical expert rather than from the point of view of a public man. Without these defects his argument is that "it is unsafe to reason from the brains of animals to that of man," that experiments upon man based upon such reasoning have been "to a great extent disastrous," that it is uncivilized to ignore the "altruism" of prohibiting experiments upon living animals and to prefer the "selfishness" of using such experiments for the purpose of " helping humanity," and that there is "undoubted testimony " to facts of horrible and malicious cruelty, cases of which he cites.
Dr. Keen, in his very digni
Dr. Keen', Reply fie(j bu). jndsjve rej0inder,
calls attention to the fact that Senator Gallinger took his medical degree many years ago, and since that time there has been a great advance in surgery, of which Mr. Gallinger, occupied by other duties, can have but little knowledge, and informs his opponent that " facts derived from experiments upon animals are applied surgically to the brain of man with greatest exactness," and that he himself had applied such facts scores and scores of times. "Were it not for experiments upon animals," he continues, "medicine would be in the wretched darkness of thirty years ago, and we surgeons would be practicing the unintentional cruelty to man of the surgery of the Civil War." As to the cases of cruelty cited by Mr. Gallinger, Dr. Keen calls attention to the fact that no data are given by which the original statements can be referred to and verified. In closing he renews his protest against the anti vivisection bills, which, though offered with good intention, would, if passed, be as inhuman as a law "forbidding any person to aid in rescuing a drowning man." In discussions of this kind the scientific opinion of such an expert as Dr. Keen ought to be final in determining the opinion of the layman, otherwise knowledge would be at the mercy of ignorance. As regards the ethics of the discussion, it is plain that the view which considers the prohibition of experiments upon living animals as "altruism," and the application of such experiments for saving human life as "selfishness," would logically place the veterinary surgeon at the head of the medical profession and would exalt the Brahminical civilization above the Christian. On the legal side, the practice of vivisection, like everything else which concerns physical pain and death, should be carefully guarded from inexpert hands, and should be limited to those who are thoroughly qualified for it by training; but to prohibit it because some surgeons are cruel would be like abolishing law courts and newspapers because some lawyers and editors are immoral. The people have the right to say that it is unwise to allow the practice of vivisection in the public schools—and The Outlook believes that they ought to say so—but they also have the right to profit by discoveries made and physiological laws established as the result of vivisection carried on by scientific men.
A forward movement of
Rdi J°»r|BBdue.tioD Sreat significance " for the improvement of religious and moral education through the Sunday-school and other agencies" has been inaugurated under the auspices of the Council of Seventy directing the American Institute of Sacred Literature at Chicago. For this purpose a National organization is proposed, and a formal call has been issued for a Convention to create it. The Convention will be held at Chicago, February 10-12. It will be remembered that at the International Sunday-School Convention in Denver last June the Lesson Committee reported that the majority of Sunday-schools are so inadequately organized and manned that only the simplest plans of study can be made effective. The call for the Convention states that perhaps twentyfive per cent, of cur Sunday-schools have reached a stage of development ready for the introduction of a gradation both of pupils and of the material of instruc
tion. While it is recognized as unwise to attempt to replace the uniform system of the International Lessons, suited as it is to the large majority of Sundayschools, the immediate need in these, says the call, "is to inspire a higher educational ideal of Biblical, moral, and religious instruction." But it is not intended " to duplicate or rival the work which any organization is now carrying on;" rather, to co-operate closely with the churches, and to supplement and assist the work of the various other organizations. Under present conditions "the greater number of children grow up without correct and adequate religious and moral education." These conditions have for years been recognized with increasing dissatisfaction. Individuals have striven singly and in groups to better them, but there is needed some leadership to unify such efforts. This it is proposed to supply as the scheme is progressively worked out by the directors and committees of the proposed association. Its immediate work will be the creation of an adequate literature of the movement, exhibiting desirable ideals and methods, and beginning a campaign of education on the whole subject. The list of signers to the call includes the names of about a hundred presidents and professors of colleges and seminaries, with a larger number of pastors and others interested in Sunday-schools, including Dr. B. B. Tyler, President of the International Sunday-School Association. Conferences between the leaders of the movement and the signers of the call are being held in some of the larger cities, to prepare for the organization and work of the Convention by preliminary comparison of views, and by securing agreement on the course to be pursued in an uncharted sea. The strength at present apparent in the movement is highly auspicious. The Outlook is in full accord with thv. belief expressed by the Council of Seventy, that "this movement . . . is a normal, timely, and vital step in the development of our Christian civilization." The time is ripe for the proposed work, and the field is large and open.
The H.rput Orph.n.e« In *« a"n"al reP°rt
of Consul Norton, of Harput, Asiatic Turkey, we find a reference to the Harput Orphanage, conducted and sustained by American benevolence. Most of our news from Asia Minor comes from the American missionaries there, and is naturally of great interest to the religious world; it is a satisfaction also to chronicle tidings which show how valuable the work of American missionaries, educators, and pliilanthropists may be in the direction of industry. Speaking of textiles, Mr. Norton says that, although his region produces an excellent grade of cotton, the native manufacture, which, owing to the abundant water-power, should be a large one, is quite the contrary, as it is dependent entirely upon hand-power. The only advance is due to the Harput Orphanage, which has introduced the weaving of attractive patterns to meet the popular taste, and is doing much to enable local industry to compete with English, German, and F'rench looms. As to rugweaving, the production from the Kurdish looms of the region extends but little beyond local needs, while the rug department of the American orphanage is steadily perfecting its work and turning out products which find a ready s.ile in the United States. The Harput Orphanage is able to command a dollar per square fx>t for its rugs, a price much in excess of the average of Oriental make, and this is due largely to the fact that the yarns employed in our orphanage are dyed exclusively with vegetable coloring matter. The increasingly widespread use of the crudely brilliant but fugitive aniline dyes • in coloring materials for rug-weaving in Turkey is distinctly deplorable, and has already led to a steady depreciation of their value in the eyes of American and European connoisseurs, when contrasted with the products of Persian and Indian looms. Another indication of American advance in commercial conditions at Harput is an incidental one. The various edifices of Euphrates College and of the American mission station at Harput were destroyed in the massacres of 1895. In the rebuilding of these structures American steel roofing was used. Its manifest superiority to fragile tile roofs and to the ponderous mud roofs hitherto in vogue throughout the Orient has now been rec°gnized. The city hall at Harput is covered with American roofing, and a
large school building now being erected is to have the same protection.
The work of Father Damien
tatiSST in Hawaii>ol MaryReed in
India, and of other self-devoting spirits elsewhere, has been inaugurated recently in Surinam, South America, among the victims of the living death of leprosy, who there are numbered by hundreds. The Dutch colonial government established an asylum for lepers in 1897, to which every leper found on the streets is consigned. Dreading this as an American dreads the poorhouse, the lepers rarely venture out-of-doors; but intercourse with them in their homes, where they support themselves by the sale of small commodities, is an evil still unrestricted. Near the Government asylum the combined Protestant churches of Surinam established in 1899 a leper settlement possessing the attractiveness of a Christian home and named " Bethesda" (the House of Mercy). Friends in Europe and America have given aid, and a tiny village of little houses, each accommodating two patients in separate rooms, is now full. A young married couple, the Rev. H. T. Weiss and wife, with two deaconesses, Sisters Philippina and Martha, have devoted themselves to this charge, dangerous but divine, and to the naturally repulsive but humane services it requires. Mr. Weiss, a clergyman of the Moravian Church, is now on a visit to this country to solicit aid for the expansion of this good work, still unprovided with some important requisites. His mission is officially indorsed. He will be glad to send his printed story of Bethesda, and all desired information, to any who address him at 225 West Twenty-third Street, New York.