tries is increasing steadily. The entire development of the class struggle shows the millions of working people that they have in the communists the most dedicated expressers of their vital interests. It is a lawgoverned fact that the communists' influence among the masses is intensifying. This is evidenced by the stream of more and more new representatives of the working class, the toiling peasantry, the productive intelligentsia, youth, and women joining their ranks.

By the middle of this year a further 30,000 people had become members of the PCF. In the country 510 new local party cells have been created, of which almost one-half are attached to industrial enterprises. In the course of the party card exchange campaign the Italian Communist Party's ranks were supplemented with almost 95,000 new members. The Indian Communist Party's numbers have increased by 53,000.

A considerable increase is taking place in the numbers of communists in Latin America, particularly in Chile, Uruguay, Argentina, and other countries. The communists of Uruguay's capital, Montevideo, for example, planned to increase the number of primary party organizations to 500 in the course of the preparations for the party's 50th anniversary, but in fact the figure reached 700.

The events occurring in Latin America testify that a new front of the active liberation struggle has been formed on that continent. More and more peoples are rising against Yankee imperialism's policy of plunder and oppression. The plans to "blockade" and "isolate" revolutionary Cuba have been wrecked. The victory of the Popular Unity alliance in Chile, whose soul was the party and organization of the working class, has acquired outstanding importance.

Chile's example has proved once again that the decisive organizing force in the struggle against imperialism is the proletariat. The events in Latin America also show something else-how actively the forces of reaction headed by the U.S. imperialists are operating and how great the vigilance and mobility of the revolutionary and progressive forces must be.

THE MACHINERY OF INTERNATIONAL COORDINATION

THE TRICONTINENTAL CONFERENCE

[Summary Introduction to "The Tricontinental Conference of African, Asian, and Latin American Peoples," a study prepared for the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee, Government Printing Office: 1966]

The first Tricontinental Conference of African, Asian, and Latin American Peoples, as it was called, was convened in the Hall of the Ambassadors at the once-swank Habana Libre Hotel (formerly the Havana Hilton Hotel) in Havana, Cuba. In all, there were 83 groups from countries on three continents-reportedly represented by approximately 513 delegates, 64 observers and 77 invited guests. These groups included 27 Latin American delegations.

The Soviet delegation was the largest at the Conference, consisting of 40 delegates.

Asian countries were represented by 197 delegates, while African countries had 150, and the 27 Latin American groups comprised 165 delegates.

Also participating in the conference were 129 foreign journalists from 35 countries, including several from the United States, and more than 100 Cuban journalists.

Salient aspects of the Conference are evidenced as follows:

The public posture of international communism since the fictitious burial of the Communist International has been that it does not engage in subversion or violence. At the Havana Conference, all pretense of nonintervention in the affairs of other nations was dropped, and the delegates, under Moscow leadership, openly committed themselves to the overthrow by violence of all those governments which do not meet with their approval.

• The Conference established a Communist-dominated general headquarters to support, direct, intensify, and coordinate guerrilla operations in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.

It gave communism a subversive leverage surpassing anything it has heretofore possessed. By bringing into the Conference fold militant leftist and nationalist movements from many countries (which, while themselves not Communist, share the antipathy of the Communists towards the West and towards the United States, and support the Communist-backed "wars of national liberation").

• Havana was selected as the headquarters for international subversion and guerrilla operations, this making a de facto situation de jure in international Communist circles.

•Immediately following the Conference, the Latin American delegations met and, after reviewing the problems of "revolutionary tactics and strategy," unanimously voted to establish a parallel regional

organization, to be known as the Latin American Solidarity Organization (OLAS), with its permanent headquarters in Havana.

• Moscow elbowed the Chinese Communists out of the No. 1 position to emerge as the undisputed controlling force in the new international apparatus of subversion.

On the ideological plane, however, Maoism emerged triumphant, as the speeches of the delegates and the resolutions of the Conference attest.

Castro, who has heretofore sought to straddle the fence between Moscow and Peking, has now openly alined himself with Moscow.

The actions taken by the Conference point to the immediate and massive intensification of terrorism and guerrilla activity throughout the Americas, as well as in Asia and Africa.

• The Communists were able to get the varied leftwing and radicalnationalist participants in the conference to designate United States "imperialism" as enemy number one in every continent.

The gravity of the threat posed by the Tricontinental Conference was the subject of a recent study prepared by the Special Consultative Committee on Security of the Organization of American States at its sixth regular meeting. Its study concluded:

That the so-called first Afro-Asian-Latin American Peoples' Solidarity Conference constitutes a positive threat to the free peoples of the world, and, on the hemisphere level, represents the most dangerous and serious threat that international communism has yet made against the inter-American system.

It is necessary and urgent, for the purpose of adequately defending democracy: a. That the [proven] intervention of communism in the internal affairs of the American Republics be considered as aggression, since it constitutes a threat to the security of the hemisphere.

b. That the American governments define their position regarding the present treatment of every kind to be given to communism, and that they consequently adopt coordinated measures that will lead to the common goals.

FROM SPEECH BY SHARAF P. RASHIDOV, HEAD OF THE SOVIET DELEGATION TO THE TRICONTINENTAL CONFERENCE IN HAVANA AT THE PLENARY MEETING

[January 7, 1966]

I would like, first of all, to stress that the Soviet delegation has arrived at this conference with the aim of giving all-round assistance to the unification of the anti-imperialist forces of the three continents in order to provide greater impetus to our common struggle against imperialism, colonialism and neo-colonialism-led by the U.S. capitalists. Our stand is clear to all and we have no intention of indulging in polemics. The rostrum of the conference must be a rostrum of unity and not to split.

We are participating in a major event in the history of the national-liberation struggle of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America. The anti-imperialist struggle, with its demands for the unshakable unity of its fighting forces, has brought the peoples of our continents to a realization of the urgent necessity for an even greater consolidation, and an even greater coordination, of our struggle against our common enemy-imperialism and, first and foremost, U.S. imperialism. The peoples of Asia, Africa, and Latin America are reaching

out their hands to one another, in a concerted desire for joint action; for the sake of militant solidarity and revolutionary friendship. The Soviet delegation warmly supports the proposal that an organization of tricontinental solidarity be set up at this conference.

The Soviet people are deeply in sympathy with the courageous struggle waged by the peoples of Latin America who are striving to defend their national sovereignty and to bring about their national and social dreams.

We express our fraternal solidarity with the armed struggle being waged by the Venezuelan, Peruvian, Colombian, and Guatemalan patriots for freedom against the stooges of imperialism.

We are in solidarity with the struggle being waged by the peoples of British, French and Dutch Guiana and the Antilles against the colonial regimes, and also with the struggle waged by the people of Puerto Rico. We express the firm conviction that the struggle waged by these peoples will lead them to their coveted goal-national independence.

FROM SPEECH BY WU HSUEH-CHIEN, CHAIRMAN OF THE CHINESE DELEGATION AT THE HAVANA CONFERENCE

[January 5, 1966]

We resolutely support the peoples of the Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Peru, Colombia, Guatemala and of other countries in their armed struggle against North American imperialism and its lackeys, the people of Puerto Rico, the Guianas, Martinique, and Guadeloupe in their struggle for national independence.

A LETTER FROM "CHE" GUEVARA

[From Tricontinental (an organ of AALAPSO), April 1967]

"In Latin America armed struggle is underway in Guatemala, Colombia, Venezuela and Bolivia and the first uprisings are appearing in Brazil. Other foci of resistance appear and are later extinguished. But almost every country of this continent is ripe for a type of struggle that, in order to achieve victory, cannot be content with anything less than establishing a government of a socialist nature."

"And the battles will not be mere street fights with stones against tear-gas bombs, nor pacific general strikes; neither will they be those of a furious people destroying in two or three days the repressive superstructure of the ruling oligarchies. The struggle will be long, harsh, and its battle fronts will be the guerrilla's refuge, the cities, the homes of the fighters where the repressive forces will go seeking easy victims among their families-among the massacred rural population, in the villages or cities destroyed by the bombardments of the enemy.

"Hatred is an element of struggle; relentless hatred of the enemy that impels us over and beyond the natural limitations of man and transforms us into effective, violent, selective and cold killing machines. Our soldiers must be thus; a people without hatred cannot vanquish a brutal enemy."

LASO

The first Conference of the Latin American Solidarity Organization was convened in Havana by Fidel Castro, immediately on the heels of the Tricontinental Conference. Apparently the Soviets had established their own control over the Tricontinental Conference in so conclusive a manner that Castro felt impelled to establish a parallel regional apparatus under his own command embracing the Latin American delegations to the Tricontinental Conference.

While the Latin American Solidarity Organization (LASO) still exists and carries on some routine activities, AALAPSO is by far the more meaningful and effective of the two organizations. Castro was simply no match for the Soviet Union-and in this area, as in other areas, he has been obliged to accept the preeminence of the Soviets. The LASO program ranks as an important basic document, however, because it spells out the common attitude of the pro-Castroite extremists throughout the Americas.

(From the official English language weekly review Granma, Havana, August 27, 1967] GENERAL DECLARATION OF THE FIRST LATIN AMERICAN SOLIDARITY CONFERENCE

(JANUARY 1967)

"We, the representatives of the peoples of our America, conscious of the conditions which prevail on the continent, aware of the existence of a common counterrevolutionary strategy directed by U.S. imperialism,

Proclaim:

1. That making the Revolution is a right and a duty of the peoples of Latin America;

2. That the Revolution in Latin America has its deepest historical roots in the liberation movement against European colonialism of the 19th century and against imperialism of this century. The epic struggle of the peoples of America and the great class battles that our peoples have carried out against imperialism in earlier decades, constitute the source of historical inspiration for the Latin American revolutionary movement;

3. That the essential content of the Revolution in Latin America is to be found in its confrontation with imperialism and the bourgeois and landowning oligarchies. Consequently, the character of the Revolu