[Moscow TASS International Service in English June 17, 1971]

GUS HALL DENOUNCES THEORY OF TWO SUPERPOWERS

[Text] Moscow June 17 TASS-"False Concept"-This is how today's "PRAVDA" captioned an article by the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the United States Gus Hall from the newspaper of American communists "DAILY WORLD" in which Hall shows the harmful nature of the term "superpowers" frequently used lately in China and elsewhere.

By no means is the world divided into "superpowers" and "nonsuperpowers", Gus Hall writes. The main contradiction is not between the "superpowers" and "non-superpowers".

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The main contradiction in society is the contradiction between the two classes the classes of working people and the capitalist class. The main difference between the social systems representing these classes is the difference between the system of socialism-the system of the working class—and the system of capitalism-the system of the capitalist class.

The main division in the world is the division of countries into socialist and capitalist ones, the main struggle in the world is class struggle, finding its reflection in the struggle between these two systems. It is this main division that determines the interests and international position of each country.

To speak of "superpowers" in general terms, notes the leader of American communists, means to forget the main class essence of all phenomena, to forget about class struggle, means to opportunistically avoid class struggle.

To speak of struggle against the mightiest force of imperialism in the world and simultaneously of the vices of "superpowers" means demagogy. To speak of "superpowers" in an abstract manner means to introduce confusion into the question. For the dominating imperialist power this is an opportunity for engaging in interference, this is a screen for imperialist aggression. To refer in general terms to the Soviet Union and to the United States as "superpowers" means to give the United States imperialism a service, Gus Hall stresses.

We in the United States, who are fulfilling the historic duty of struggling against the most ferocious and the most malicious imperialism in the world, reject any concept under which any socialist power is somehow likened to this reactionary force, the general secretary of the United States Communist Party goes on. We reject any concept that obscures, camouflages or confuses the nature of this monster. To compare a socialist country with the United States imperialism in any sense means to render a service to the imperialism of the United States. We stand for the closest unity of all forces in the world participating in the struggle against imperialism in general and against United States imperialism in particular. We are against any concept that glosses over in any way this class approach to all problems. We are against any concept that gives the United States imperialism a way out, that provides it with any sort of a screen, Gus Hall concludes.

[From Prague CTK International Service in English, August 18, 1971]

KIM PHILBY TELLS OF WESTERN SUBVERSION, ESPIONAGE

[Text] Prague Aug. 18, CETEKA-Kim Philby, former chief of the anticommunist section of the British intelligence service, accused the U.S.A. and Britain of preparing contrarevolutionary plans against socialist countries in an interview for RUDE PRAVO, Czechoslovak Communist Party daily, carried today.

Kim Philby goes on in his interview in RUDE PRAVO to say that the most significant change in his opinion has been "the more clear-cut division of the world into socialist and antisocialist camps.'

"The middle ground is shrinking. To fail to take sides in the struggle is to drop out altogether-a course which a very high proportion of American youth, bewildered by the sudden fading of the American dream, has taken."

"So the choice is between socialism and capitalism. I have no doubt that the great majority of young people who may read these lines will choose the right course," Philby said.

CRISIS OF CAPITALISM

Ever since the time of Karl Marx, the Communists. have been talking about the "general crisis of the capitalist system." The free enterprise system, by its very nature, is characterized by economic fluctuations of varying degree. According to Communist theory, these fluctuations are bound to result in progressively more severe crises and the final collapse of capitalism in the course of one of these cyclical crises is considered inevitable. Communist theory somehow manages to ignore the unparalleled achievements of the free enterprise system in stimulating productivity and raising living standards in both advanced countries like the United States, Japan, and West Germany, and developing countries like Nationalist China, South Korea, and Thailand. Communists theory also manages to ignore the recurring agricultural crises experienced by the Soviet Union, Red China, and other communist countries, as well as communism's pathetic record in the field of industrial quality control-which is also a product of the communist incentive desert. (See "The Many Crises of the Soviet Economy," a compendium published by the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security in 1964).

[From the New York Times, December 7, 1960, C 15]

TEXT OF STATEMENT BY LEADERS OF 81 COMMUNIST PARTIES AFTER MEETING IN MOSCOW

A new stage has begun in the development of the general crisis of capitalism.

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This stage is distinguished by the fact that it has set in, not as a result of the world war, but in the conditions of competition and struggle between the two systems, an increasing change in the balance of forces in favor of socialism, and a marked aggravation of all the contradictions of imperialism. It has taken place at a time when a successful struggle by the peace-loving forces to bring about and promote peaceful coexistence has prevented the imperialists from undermining world peace by their aggressive actions, and in an atmosphere of growing struggle by the broad masses of the people for democracy, national liberation and socialism. ***

"Our era, whose essence is the transition from capitalism to socialism begun by the great October Socialist Revolution, is an era of the struggle of two diametrically opposed social systems, an era of Socialist revolutions and national liberation revolutions, an era of the colonial system, an era of the change to the road of socialism by more and more nations, and of the triumph of socialism and communism on a world scale.'"

SPEECH OF GENERAL SECRETARY LEONID BREZHNEV

[Before the opening session of 24th Congress of CPSU, Mar. 30, 1971]

The general crisis of capitalism continues to grow deeper. Even the most developed capitalist states are not exempt from serious economic shocks. The United States of America, for example, for the past 2 years, has been unable to extricate itself from the current economic crisis. Recent years also reflect a serious crisis in the capitalist monetary and financial system. The simultaneous growth of inflation and unemployment has become a permanent feature. In the countries of developed capitalism there are now about 8 million people unemployed. Neither the process of integration nor the class interests of the imperialists in the unification of efforts in the struggle against world socialism succeeded in eliminating the contradictions between the imperialist states. By the beginning of the seventies the basic centers of imperialist rivalry clearly emerged. They are the United States of America, Western Europe that is, the six-country Common Market— and Japan. Between them the economic and political rivalry struggle develops with increasing sharpness. Bans placed by official U.S. organs on the import of an increasing number of goods from Europe and Japan and the attempts of the European countries to restrict their exploitation by American capital are only a few manifestations of this struggle.

SPEECH BY PRIME MINISTER ALEXEI KOSYGIN

[Before Moscow constituents, June 10, 1971]

The objective contradictions of capitalism are making themselves felt ever more acutely in international life. On the one hand this leads to the strengthening of reaction and militarism in the imperialist countries, even to fascist methods of suppressing the opposition, while

on the other hand it forces the ruling circles of these countries to maneuver in their domestic policy under the pressure of the class struggle, and also to seek a way out of the difficulties at the expense of their imperialist rivals.

For example, what is the meaning of the periodic aggravations of the crisis of the currency and fiscal system of capitalism, which is based on the use of the American dollar, as everybody knows? They indicate serious trouble in the economic organism of the capitalist system, and, first and foremost, in its main center and headquarters-the United States. The richest country of the capitalist world not only proves unable to overcome a chronic inflation, unemployment, a deficit in the budget and in the balance of payments, but also strives to shift a large portion of the burden of these vices onto its allies.

Having turned into a sort of international debtor, the United States does not pay its commitments in gold and goods but in paper dollars, which are increasingly losing their value. By doing so, it forces the countries of Western Europe, Japan and others, to participate in the financing of foreign political adventures like the aggressive war in Indochina, the rendering of financial and military assistance to the Israeli aggression, the maintenance of the numerous American military bases abroad.

[East Berlin Neues Deutschland in German, June 16, 1971]

HONECKER CENTRAL COMMITTEE REPORT TO SED CONGRESS

In the capitalist countries, the exploitation of working people is intensifying. While a small group of multimillionaires become ever richer, the evils of capitalism-inflation, price hikes, unemployment, and social insecurity-burden the working people.

Although it is possible in some capitalist countries to win temporary concessions from the capitalists, no one can ignore the fact that the working people are exposed to growing exploitation, disability at an early age, and social insecurity. Moreover, in the principal imperialist countries, the monopoly capitalists earn extra profits by keeping hundreds of thousands of people in numerous other countries under their domination in great poverty, doomed to illiteracy and starvation.

The United States itself, which is hailed by imperialist ideologists, represents a vivid illustration of the rottenness of the imperialist system. In the United States alone there are 5.7 million unemployed and racism is rampant. Entire industries profit by annihilating people, by destroying the dignity of man, by spreading brutality and inhumanity. The stronghold of world imperialism shows itself, as admitted by U.S. ideologists, to be an unsound society.

[East Berlin ADN International Service, August 17, 1971]

NIXON'S ECONOMIC STEPS SEEN AS DRASTIC FOR CAPITALISM

It becomes clear, furthermore, that the United States by erecting tariff barriers wants to shift the consequences of the dollar crisis to foreign competitors, and that it has now begun a trade war between the leading capitalist industrial states.

It is above all Japan and the FRG which are seriously affected by the U.S. measures. Both countries account for a large portion of export trade with the United States. When Nixon said in his televised speech that the United States could no longer maintain competition with one hand tied behind the back, he meant that in the struggle for the markets the kid gloves have now been taken off and the fight with bare fists is on. Antagonism among the imperialist powers will increase considerably, and the FRG which, as an accomplice of U.S. global strategy, has most of all supported U.S. inflation money so far, will have to face a loss of billions.

Under the sword of Damocles, this greatest monetary crisis in postwar history, monopolies on the one hand are making preparations for a war against each other and, on the other hand, are looking for loopholes to get out of it unscathed. In government circles of the capitalist countries the same tune can be heard: Nixon's wage freeze meets with approval and the drive against the workers has started. They threaten with unemployment unless trade unions are moderate in their wage demands. Thus, the struggle for export markets and foreign exchange rates is to be waged at the expense of the working people. Social consequences already make themselves felt: growing pressure on wages, higher prices, and decrease of real income. Thus, it is beyond any doubt that the monetary crisis and its social aftermaths will aggravate the class struggle in the capitalist states.

MILITARISM

[Speech of General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev before opening of 24th Congress of CPSU, March 30, 1971]

Comrades, it is also necessary to bear in mind the fact that during the postwar years there has been a growth of militarism in the capitalist countries on an unprecedented scale. This trend has been even stronger recently. In 1970 alone, the NATO countries invested 103 billion dollars in war preparations. Militarism, militarization, has acquired its most dangerous character in the United States of America. In this country, in the past 5 years, around 400 billion dollars have been spent for war purposes.

PEACEFUL CO-EXISTENCE

[From declaration made by Communist and Workers' Parties Conference, November and December 1960]

Peaceful coexistence of states does not imply renunciation of the class struggle, as the revisionists claim. The coexistence of states with different social systems is a form of class struggle between socialism and capitalism.

In conditions of peaceful coexistence, favorable opportunities are provided for the development of the class struggle in the capitalist countries and the national liberation movement of the peoples, of the working class, of all the Communist parties, for the triumph of Socialist ideas. But the ideological and political disputes between states must not be settled through war.