men ́ls that an appropriation may be made of $1,010,000 for "closing existing gaps in levees," in addition to the like sum for which an estimate has already been submitted.

The subject is one of such importance that I deem it proper to recommend early and favorable consideration of the recommendations of the commission. Having possession of, and jurisdic tion over the river, Congress, with a view of improving its navigation and protecting the people of the valley from floods, has for years caused surveys of the river to be made, for the purpose of acquiring knowledge of the laws that control it, and of its phenomena. By act approved June 28, 1879, the Mississippi River Commission was created, composed of able engineers. Section 4 of the act provides that "it shall be the duty of said commission to take into consideration and mature such plan or plans and estimates as will correct, permanently locate and deepen the channel, and protect the banks of the Mississippi River, improve and give safety and ease to the navigation thereof; prevent destructive floods; promote and facilitate commerce, trade, and the postal service."

The constitutionality of a law making appropriations in aid of these objects cannot be questioned. While the report of the commission submitted and the plans proposed for the river's improvement seem justified as well on scientific principles as by experience and the approval of the people most interested, I desire to leave it to the judgment of Congress to decide upon the best plan for the permanent and complete improvement of the navigation of the river, and for the protection of the valley.

The immense losses and widespread suffering of the people dwelling near the river induce me to urge upon Congress the propriety of not only making an appropriation to close the gaps in the levees occasioned by the recent floods, as recommended by the commission, but that Congress should inaugurate measures for the permanent improvement of the navigation of the river and security of the valley. It may be that such a system of improvement would, as it progressed, require the appropriation of twenty or thirty millions of dollars. Even such an expenditure, extending as it must over several years, cannot be regarded as extravagant in view of the immense interest involved. The safe and convenient navigation of the Mississippi is a matter of concern to all sections of the country, but to the Northwest, with its immense harvests, needing cheap transportation to the sea, and to the inhabitants of the river valley, whose lives and property depend upon the proper construction of the safeguards which protect them from the floods, it is of vital importance that a well-matured and comprehensive plan for improvement should be put into operation with as little delay as possible. The cotton product of the region subject to the devastating floods is a source of wealth to the nation and of great importance to keeping the balances of trade in our favor.

It may not be inopportune to mention that this Government has imposed and collected some seventy millions of dollars by a tax on cotton, in the production of which the population of the

Lower Mississippi is largely engaged, and it does not seem inequitable to return a portion of this tax to those who contributed it, particularly as such an action will also result in an important gain to the country at large, and especially so to the great and rich States of the Northwest and the Mississippi Valley. CHESTER A. ARTHUR.

On a Congress of American Powers, April 18, 1882. To the Senate and House of Representatives:

I send herewith a copy of the circular invitation* extended to all the independent countries of North and South America, to participate in a general Congress, to be held in the city of Washington on the 22d of November next, for the purpose of considering and discussing the methods of preventing war between the nations of America.

Following is the "circular invitation" alluded to:
Mr. Blaine to Mr. Morgan.

No. 199.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, November 29, 1881. SIR: The attitude of the United States with respect to the question of general peace on the American continent is well known through its persistent efforts for years past to avert the evils of warfare, or, these efforts failing, to bring positive conflicts to an end through pacific counsels or the advocacy of impartial arbitration. This attitude has been consistently maintained, and always with such fairness as to leave no room for imputing to our government any motive except the humane and disinterested one of saving the kindred States of the American continent from the burdens of war. The position of the United States, as the leading power of the New World, might well give to its government a claim to authoritative utterance for the purpose of quieting discord among its neighbors, with all of whom the most friendly relations exist. Nevertheless, the good offices of this government are not and have not at any time been tendered with a show of dictation or compulsion, but only as exhibiting the solicitous good-will of a common friend.

For some years past a growing disposition has been manifested by certain States of Central and South America to refer disputes affecting grave questions of international relationship and boundaries to arbitration rather than to the sword. It has been on several such occasions a source of profound satisfaction to the Government of the United States to see that this country is, in a large measure, looked to by all the American powers as their friend and mediator.

The just and impartial counsel of the President in such cases has never been withheld, and his efforts have been rewarded by the prevention of sanguinary strife or angry contentions between peoples whom we regard as brethren.

The existence of this growing tendency convinces the President that the time is ripe for a proposal that shall enlist the good-will and active co-operation of all the States of the Western Hemisphere, both North and South, in the interest of humanity and for the common weal of

nations.

He conceives that none of the governments of America can be less alive than our own to the dangers and horrors of a state of war, and especially of war between kinsmen. He is sure that none of the chiefs of governments on the continent can be less sensitive than he is to the sacred

duty of making every endeavor to do away with the

chances of fratricidal strife. And he looks with hopeful confidence to such active assistance from them as will serve to show the broadness of our common humanity, and the strength of the ties which bind us all together as a great and harmonious system of American commonwealths.

Impressed by these views, the President extends to all the independent countries of North and South America an earnest invitation to participate in a general congress to be held in the city of Washington on the twenty-fourth day of November; 1882, for the purpose of considering and discussing the methods of preventing war between the nations of America. He desires that the attention of the congress shall be strictly confined to this one great object; that its sole aim shall be to seek a way of permanently averting the horrors of cruel and bloody combat between countries, oftenest of one blood and speech; or the even worse calamity of internal commotion and civil

In giving this invitation I was not unaware that there existed differences between several of the republics of South America which would militate against the happy results which might otherwise be expected from such an assemblage. The differences indicated are such as exist between Chili and Peru, between Mexico and Guatemala, and between the states of Central America.

It was hoped that these differences would disappear before the time fixed for the meeting of the congress. This hope has not been realized.

strife; that it shall regard the burdensome and far-reaching consequences of such struggles, the legacies of exhausted finances, of oppressive debt, of onerous taxation, of ruined cities, of paralyzed industries, of devastated fields, of ruthless conscription, of the slaughter of men, of the grief of the widow and the orphan, of embittered resentments that long survive those who provoked them, and heavily afflict the innocent generations that come after.

The President is especially desirous to have it understood that in putting forth this invitation, the United States does not assume the position of counseling, or attempting through the voice of the congress to counsel, any determinate solution of existing questions which may now divide any of the countries of America. Such questions cannot properly come before the congress. Its mission is higher. It is to provide for the interests of all in the future, not to settle the individual differences of the present. For this reason especially the President has indicated a day for the assembling of the congress so far in the future as to leave good ground for hope that by the time named the present situation on the South Pacific Coast will be happily terminated, and that those engaged in the contest may take peaceable part in the discussion and solution of the general question affecting in an equal degree the well-being of all.

It seems also desirable to disclaim in advance any purpose on the part of the United States to prejudge the issues to be presented to the congress. It is far from the intent of this government to appear before the congress as in any sense the protector of its neighbors, or the predestined and necessary arbitrator of their disputes. The United States will enter into the deliberations of the congress on the same footing as the other powers represented, and with the loyal determination to approach any proposed solution not merely in its own interest, or with a view to asserting its own power, but as a single member among many co-ordinate and co-equal States. So far as the influence of this government may be potential, it will be exerted in the direction of conciliating whatever conflicting interests of blood or government or historical tradition may necessarily come together in response to a call embracing such vast and diverse elements.

You will present these views to the Minister of Foreign Relations of Mexico, enlarging, if need be, in such terms as will readily occur to you, upon the great mission which it is within the power of the proposed congress to accomplish in the interest of humanity, and upon the firm purpose of the United States to maintain a position of the most absolute and impartial friendship towards all. You will, thereupon, in the name of the President of the United States, tender to his excellency the President of the Mexican Republic, a formal invitation to send two commissioners to the congress, provided with such powers and instructions on behalf of their government as will enable them to consider the questions brought before that body within the limit of submission contemplated by this invitation.

The United States, as well as the other powers, will in like manner be represented by two commissioners, so that equality and impartiality will be amply secured in the proceedings of the congress.

In delivering this invitation through the Minister of Foreign Affairs, you will read this dispatch to him, and leave with him a copy, intimating that an answer is desired by this government as promptly as the just consideration of so important a proposition will permit. I am, sir, your obedient servant, JAMES G. BLAINE.

The foregoing circular instruction was sent, under the same date, mutatis mutandis, to the United States ministers in the Argentine Republic, Bolivia, Brazil, Central America, Chili, Colombia, Mexico, Paraguay and Uruguay, Peru, and Venezuela. A copy was also sent directly to the Minister of Foreign Relations of Ecuador, in which country the United States has no diplomatic representative.]

Having observed that the authority of the President to convene such a congress has been questioned, I beg leave to state that the Constitution confers upon the President the power by and with the advice and consent of the Senate to make treaties, and that this provision confers the power to take all requisite measures to initiate them, and to this end the President may freely confer with one or several commissioners or delegates from other nations. The congress contemplated by the invitation could only effect any valuable result by is conclusions eventually taking the form of a treaty of peace between the states represented; and besides, the invitation to the states of North and South America is merely a preliminary act, of which constitutionality or the want of it can hardly be affirmed.

It has been suggested that while the international congress would have no power to affect the rights of nationalities there represented, still Congress might be unwilling to subject the existing treaty rights of the United States on the Isthmus and elsewhere on the continent to be clouded and rendered uncertain by the expression of the opinions of a congress composed largely of interested parties.

I am glad to have it in my power to refer to the Congress of the United States, as I now do, the propriety of convening the suggested international congress, that I may thus be informed of its views, which it will be my pleasure to carry out.

Inquiry having been made by some of the republics invited whether it is intended that this international congress shall convene, it is important that Congress should at as early a day as is convenient inform me by resolution or otherwise of its opinion in the premises. My action will be in harmony with such expression.

CHESTER A. ARTHUR.

On the Boundary Between the United States and Mexico, April 18, 1882.

To the Senate and House of Representatives :

I transmit herewith for the consideration of Congress a note addressed by the minister plenipotentiary of Mexico to the Secretary of State, proposing the conclusion of a convention between the two countries for defining the boundary between the United States and Mexico from the Rio Grande westward to the Pacific Ocean by the erection of durable monuments. I also lay before Congress a letter on the same subject, with its accompaniment, from the Secretary of War, to whom the proposition was referred by the Secretary of State for the expression of his views thereon.

I deem it important that the boundary line between the two countries, as defined by existing treaties and already once surveyed, should be run anew and defined by suitable permanent monuments. By so doing, uncertainty will be prevented as to jurisdiction in criminal and municipal affairs, and questions be averted which may at any time in the near future arise with the growth of population on the border.

Moreover, I conceive that the willing and speedy assent of the Government of the United States to the proposal thus to determine the ex

the members of which force to be invested with the same powers and authority as are conferred by the laws of the Territory upon peace officers thereof.

On the ground of economy, as well as effect

I have to suggest that, in accepting this proposal, suitable provision be made for an adequate military force on the frontier to protect the surveying parties from hostile Indians. The troops so employed will at the same time protect the settlers on the border, and help to prevent marauding on both sides by the nomadic Indians. CHESTER A. ARTHUR.

On Disorder in Arizona, April 26, 1882. To the Senate and House of Representatives: By recent information received from official and other sources, I am advised that an alarming state of disorder continues to exist within the Territory of Arizona, and that lawlessness has already gained such head there as to require a resort to extraordinary means to repress it.

The governor of the Territory, under date of the 31st ultimo, reports that violence and anarchy prevail, particularly in Cochise County and along the Mexican border; that robbery, murder, and resistance to law, have become so common as to cease causing surprise; and that the people are greatly intimidated, and losing confidence in the protection of the law. I transmit his communication herewith, and call special attention thereto.

In a telegram from the General of the Army, dated at Tucson, Arizona, on the 11th instant, herewith transmitted, that officer states that he hears of lawlessness and disorders which seem well attested, and that the civil officers have not sufficient force to make arrests and hold the prisoners for trial or punish them when convicted.

an

Much of this disorder is caused by armed bands of desperadoes known as "cow-boys," by whom depredations are not only committed within the Territory, but it is alleged predatory incursions are made therefrom into Mexico. In my message to Congress at the beginning of the present session, I called attention to the existence of these bands, and suggested that the setting on foot within our own territory of brigandage and armed marauding expeditions against friendly nations and their citizens be made punishable as offense against the United States. I renew this suggestion. To effectually repress the lawlessness prevailing within the Territory, a prompt execution of the process of the courts and vigorous enforcement of the laws against offenders are needed. This the civil authorities there are unable to do without the aid of other means and forces than they can now avail themselves of. To meet the present exigencies, the governor asks that provision be made by Congress to enable him to employ and maintain temporarily a volunteer militia force to aid the civil authorities,

advisable to permit the co-operation with the civil authorities of a part of the Army as a posse comitatus. Believing that this, in addition to such use of the Army as may be made under the powers already conferred by section 5298 of the Revised Statutes, would be adequate to secure the accomplishment of the ends in view, I again call the attention of Congress to the expediency of so amending section 15 of the act of June 18, 1878, chapter 263, as to allow the military forces to be employed as a posse comitatus to assist the civil authorities within a Territory to execute the laws therein. This use of the Army, as I have in my former message observed, would not seem to be within the alleged evil against which that legislation was aimed.

CHESTER A. ARTHUR.

Proclamation admonishing Citizens of Arizona
Against Obstructing the Law, May 3, 1882.
BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
OF AMERICA.

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas, it is provided in the laws of the United States, that "whenever, by reason of unlawful obstructions, combinations, or assemblages of persons, or rebellion against the authority of the government of the United States, it shall become impracticable, in the judgment of the President, to enforce by ordinary course of judicial proceeding, the laws of the United States within any State or Territory, it shall be lawful for the President to call forth the militia of any or all the States, and to employ such parts of the land and naval forces of the United States as he may deem necessary to enforce the faithful execution of the laws of the United States, or to suppress such rebellion, in whatever State or Territory thereof the laws of the United States may be forcibly opposed, or the excution thereof forcibly obstructed;"

And whereas, it has been made to appear satisfactorily to me, by information received from the Governor of the Territory of Arizona and from the General of the Army of the United States, and other reliable sources, that in consequence of unlawful combinations of evil-disposed persons who are banded together to oppose and obstruct the execution of the laws, it has become impracticable to enforce, by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, the laws of the United States within that Territory, and that the laws of the United States have been therein forcibly opposed, and the execution thereof forcibly resisted;

And whereas, the laws of the United States require that whenever it may be necessary, in the judgment of the President, to use the military forces for the purpose of enforcing the faithful execution of the laws of the United States, he shall forthwith, by proclamation, command such insurgents to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes, within a limited time:

Now, therefore, I, Chester A. Arthur, President of the United States, do hereby admonish all good citizens of the United States, and especially of the Territory of Arizona, against aiding, countenancing, abetting, or taking part in any such unlawful proceedings; and I do hereby warn all persons engaged in or connected with said obstruction of the laws, to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes on or before noon the fifteenth day of May.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington this third day of

Veto of House Bill No. 2744, to Regulate the Carriage of Passengers by Sea, July 1, 1882.

To the House of Representatives:

Herewith I return House bill No. 2744, entitled, "An act to regulate the carriage of passengers by sea," without my approval. In doing this I regret that I am not able to give my assent to an act which has received the sanction of the majority of both Houses of Congress.

The object proposed to be secured by the act is meritorious and philanthropic. Some correct and accurate legislation upon this subject is undoubtedly necessary. Steamships that bring large bodies of emigrants must be subjected to strict legal enactments, so as to prevent the passengers from being exposed to hardship and suffering; and such legislation shall be made as will give them abundance of space and air and light, protecting their health by affording all reasonable comforts and conveniences, and by providing for the quantity and quality of the food to be furnished, and all of the other essentials of roomy, safe and healthful accommodations in their passage across the sea.

A statute providing for all this is absolutely needed, and in the spirit of humane legislation must be enacted. The present act, by most of its provisions, will obtain and secure this protection for such passengers, and were it not for some serious errors contained in it, would be most willingly approved by me.

My objections are these: In the first section, in lines from 13 to 24 inclusive, it is provided "that the compartments or spaces," etc., "shall be of sufficient dimensions to allow. for each and any passenger," etc., " a hundred cubic feet, if the compartment or space is located on the first deck next below the uppermost deck of the vessel," etc.," or one hundred and twenty cubic feet for each passenger," etc., "if the compartment or space is located on the second deck below the uppermost deck of the vessels," etc. "It shall not be lawful to carry or bring passengers on any deck other than the two decks mentioned," etc.

Nearly all of the new and most of the im

proved ocean steamers have a spar-deck, which is above the main deck. The main deck was in the old style of steamers, the only, uppermost deck. The spar-deck is a comparatively new feature of the large and costly steamships, and is now practically the uppermost deck. Below this spar-deck is the main-deck. Because of the misuse of the words " uppermost deck" instead of the use of the words "main deck," by this act, the result will be to exclude nearly all of the large steamships from carrying passengers anywhere but on the main deck and on the deck below, which is the steerage deck, and to leave the orlop, or lower deck, heretofore used for passengers, useless and unoccupied by passengers. This objection, which is now presented in connection with others that will be presently explained, will, if this act is enforced, as it is now phrased, render useless for passenger traffic and expose to heavy loss all of the great ocean steam lines; and it will also hinder emigration, as there will not be ships enough that could accept these conditions to carry all who may now wish to come.

The use of the new and the hitherto unknown term 66 and I cannot consent to have an abuse of terms like this to operate thus injuriously to these large fleets of ships. The passengers will not be benefited by such a statute, but emigration will be hindered, if not for a while almost prevented for many.

uppermost deck' creates this difficulty,

Again, the act in the first section, from line 31 to line 35 inclusive, provides: "And such passengers shall not be carried or brought in any between-decks, nor in any compartment," etc., "the clear height of which is less than seven feet." Between the decks of all ships are the beams; they are about a foot in width. The legal method of ascertaining tonnage for the purpose of taxation is to measure between the beams from the floor to the ceiling. If this becomes a law, the space required will be eight feet from floor to ceiling, and this is impracticable, for in all ships the spaces between decks are adjusted in proportion to the dimensions of the ship; and if these spaces between decks are changed so as not to correspond in their proportions with the dimensions of the vessel, the ship will not work well in the sea, her sailing qualities will be injured, and she will be rendered unfit for service.

It is only in great ships of vast tonnage that the height between decks can be increased. All the ordinary-sized ships are necessarily constructed with seven feet space in the interval between the beams from the floor to the ceiling. To adopt this act, with this provision, would be to drive out of the service of transporting passengers most of all the steamships now in such trade, and no practical good be obtained by it, for really, with the exception of the narrow beam, the space between the decks is now seven feet. The purpose of the space commanded by the act is to obtain sufficient air and ventilation, and that is actually now given to the passenger by the seven feet that exists in all of these vessels between floor and ceiling.

There is also another objection that I must

suggest. In section 12, from line 14 to line 24, it is provided: "Before such vessel shall be cleared or may lawfully depart, etc., the master of said vessel shall furnish, etc., a correct list of all passengers who have been or are intended to be taken on board of the vessel, and shall specify," etc. This provision would prevent the clearing of the vessel. Steam vessels start at an appointed hour, and with punctuality. Down almost to the very hour of their departure, new passengers, other than those who have engaged their passage, constantly come on board. If this provision is to be the law they must be rejected, for the ship cannot, without incurring heavy | penalties, take passengers whose names are not set forth on the list required before such vessel shall be cleared. They should be allowed to take such new passengers upon condition that they would furnish an additional list containing

Extension of Charters of National Banks. IN HOUSE-FIRST SESSION, 47th Congress. 1882, April 3-Mr. CRAPO moved to suspend the rules and pass this resolution:

Resolved, That the bill (H. R. No. 4167) to enable national banking associations to extend their corporate existence, be taken from the House Calendar and made the special order for the 15th day of April instant, after the morning hour, and from day to day thereafter until disposed of; not to interfere with the consideration of general appropriation and revenue bills.

Which was disagreed to-yeas 122, nays 78 (two-thirds being required):

YEAS-Messrs. W. Aldrich, Barr, Bayne, Beach, Belford, Bingham, Bliss, Briggs, Browne, J. C. Burrows, Butterworth, Calkins, Camp, Candler, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Chace, Chapman, Converse, W. R. Cox, Covington, Crapo, Cullen, Darrall, G. R. Davis, Dawes, Deering, De Motte, Dingley, Dunnell, Ellis, C. B. Farwell, S. S. Farwell, Flower, Geddes, George, Godshalk, Grout, Guenther, Hall, J. Hammond, Hardenbergh, Hardy, B. W. Harris, Haskell, Hawk, G. C. Hazelton, Heilman, Henderson, Hepburn, A. S. Hewitt, J. Hill, Hiscock, Horr, Hubbell, Hubbs, Humphrey, Hutchins, Jacobs, Jadwin, Jorgensen, Joyce, Kasson, Kelley, Ketcham, Lewis, McClure, McCoid, McKinley, Miles, S. H. Miller, Moore, Morse, Mutchler, Norcross, Pacheco, Parker, Payson, Pettibone, Phelps, Pound, Ranney, Ray, Reed, W. W. Rice, Rich, D. P. Richardson, Ritchie, G. M. Robeson, G. D. Robinson, W. A. Russell, Shallenberger, Shelley, Sherwin, Shultz, Skinner, D. C. Smith, J. H. Smith, Speer, Spooner, G. W. Steele, E. F. Stone, Strait, Talbott, E. B. Taylor, Thomas, W. G. Thompson, A. Townsend, Tyler, J. T. Upde

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graff, T. Updegraff, Valentine, Vance, Van Voorhis, Wait, Ward, Washburn, Watson, Webber, J. D. White, C. G. Williams.-122.

NAYS-Messrs. Aiken, Armfield, Atherton, Atkins, Berry, Blackburn, Blanchard, Bland, Blount, Bragg, BRUMM, Buchanan, Caldwell, Cassidy, Chalmers, F. C. Clements, Cobb, Cook, Cravens, Culberson, Davidson, L. H. Davis, Deuster, Dibrell, Dowd, Dugro, Dunn, J. J. Finley, Forney, FULKERSON, Garrison, Gunter, N. 7. Hammond, I. S. HASELTINE, Hatch, Herbert, Herndon, G. W. Hewitt, Hoge, Holman, House, G. W. JONES, J. K. Jones, LADD, Latham, Leedom, Le Fevre, Manning, Mc Millin, Mills, Money, Morrison, MOSGROVE, Moulton, Muldrow, MURCH, PAUL, Phister, Reagan, T. M. RICE, E. W. Robertson, Rosecrans, Simonton, J. W. Singleton, O. R. Singleton, Sparks, Springer, P. B. Thompson, jr., Tillman, R. W. Townshend, Tucker, O. Turner, Upson, R. Warner, Whitthorne, T. Williams, Willis, Wilson-78.

1882, April 17-Mr. CRAPO moved the adoption of this resolution :

Relolved, That the bill (H. R. No. 4167) to enable national banking associations to extend their corporate existence be taken from the House Calendar, and made the special order for the 25th day of April instant, after the morning hour, and from day to day thereafter until disposed of, not to interfere with the consideration of general appropriation and revenue bills.

Which was disagreed to-yeas 149, nays 89, (two-thirds being required):

YEAS-Messrs. W. Aldrich, Bayne, Beach, Belford, Bingham, Bowman, Briggs, Browne, Buck, J. C. Burrows, Butterworth, Calkins, Camp, Campbell, Cannon, Carpenter, Caswell, Chace, Chapman, Covington, Crapo, Cullen, G. R. Davis, Dawes, Deering, De Motte, Dezen