POLITICAL PORTRAITS WITH PEN AND PENCIL.

HENRY C. MURPHY,

He who steadily acquires the approbation of his fellows, or systematically controls his course of action to a lofty purpose, has a task to perform which entitles him, when successful, to a higher place in our regards than the creature of mere circumstances, however elevated. And what constitutes the greatest beauty in our republican form of government is, that it leaves, in this respect, more for individual exertion to accomplish, and less for the casualties of birth and wealth and patronage to bestow. Still, with us, occasion and necessity, as in other countries differently constituted, have a mighty power to direct the efforts and bend the mind to particular ends, or to divert them from any fixed purpose. Henry C. Murphy, whose portrait accompanies this number of our magazine, by his firm and consistent-as well as able support of the principles of the republican party, has acquired an influence in the community whose representative on various occasions he has been, which is of as marked and flattering a character as it is the result of honorable effort.

He was born in Brooklyn, where he has always lived, and still continues to reside, in the year 1810. Timothy Murphy, his grandfather, came from Ireland to Monmouth county, in New-Jersey, in 1769, having left home in the spirit of adventure at an early age. He married a great-grand-daughter of Richard Hartshorne, of Middletown, who was one of the council, in 1684, of Gawen Lawrie, deputy governor of the proprietaries of East Jersey.* When the revolutionary struggle commenced, he warmly espoused the cause of the colonies, and took up arms with the other whigs of Monmouth in its behalf. He was no less ardent in his support of the Jeffersonian principles of '98-a faith which has been regularly transmitted from sire to son, to the subject of this sketch. Henry C. Murphy graduated at Columbia College, New-York, in 1830, and entered immediately upon the study of the law, under the late Hon. Peter W. Radcliff. He found time to bestow attention upon literary and political matters as well as upon his professional studies; and he was, previous to his admission to the bar as well as afterwards, a frequent contributor to several periodicals of a high literary character, and to some of the political journals of the day in vindication of the measures of President Jackson. Upon being admitted to the profession, in 1833, he devoted himself assiduously to its pursuit; but not so as to prevent him from participating actively in the political contests which followed. In the Young Men's Convention, assembled at Herkimer, in 1834, he exhibited his political foresight and energy of character. The state of New-York had long been pursuing, in regard to its monied interests, a policy which had placed them in the control of petty monopolists, created by political favoritism in every section of the state. He was designated as chairman of the committee on resolutions; and he introduced in the committee, and subsequently in the convention, a resolution, denouncing this system, al

He was also a member of the council of Governor Andrew Hamilton, in 1695, and repeatedly a representative in Assembly. His plantation embraced Sandy Hook, but was subject to the right of the proprietors to fortify that point. He subsequently bought Wake-Cake of the Indians, which was preceded by a patent from Governor Nicolls.

though its patronage had been distributed for the benefit of his party. A violent opposition was made to the resolution, but it finally passed with some modification. It was, however, never permitted to see the light, having been suppressed in the official report of the proceedings of the convention. Still it had its effect. The fact that it was suppressed was made known. Many democratic journals, of which the Evening Post, then edited by the late William Leggett, was most prominent, charged the suppression home, took up the doctrine, and gave it a strength and popularity which resulted in a few years in the utter prostration of the system of monopolized banking in the state.

Until the year 1842 Mr. Murphy held no public trust, except professionally, although always foremost to advocate the interests of the republican party, by his speeches and writings. He was, however, for several years, the attorney and counsel of the corporation of his native city, and in that capacity rendered himself familiar not only with its affairs, but with the nature and operation of municipal corporations generally, of which he has since urged some essential and radical reforms. In the year 1842 he was elected Mayor of Brooklyn, and his administration of its affairs was signalized by a system of retrenchment which, for the first time since its incorporation, kept the expenditures of the year within its income, and which was commenced by a large reduction of his own salary.

Before the expiration of his term of office as mayor, he was returned a member of the 28th Congress, and took his seat, accordingly, in December, 1843. He occupied at once a high stand in that body, although one of its youngest members. His views upon the great questions discussed there were thoroughly democratic, and were sustained with great ability on the floor. His speech on the tariff was a strong and logical argument in favor of the free trade doctrines, and in opposition to the restrictions contained in the law of 1842. On that question he advocated a system of duties for revenue purposes only, except as regards the munitions of war. The annexation of Texas received his vote; but he advised a postponement of the measure until the administration of Mr. Polk, in order that another opportunity might be afforded Mexico to give her assent, and that more unanimity might be secured thereby in favor of it among our own people. The question was, however, brought up; but in view of the events which have since transpired, the wisdom of his recommendation must be admitted. His letter to the committee at Tammany Hall is an able and manly exposition of the grounds of his opinion upon the subject. On other questions of public policy he sustained himself most ably. The Native American party, which had then sprung into existence, sought an alteration of the naturalization laws, so as to require twenty-one years' residence as a condition of admission to citizenship. He demonstrated the inconsistency of such a measure with the genius of our government, as well as its injustice and impolicy-maintaining that the true conditions of those laws spring from one obvious distinction that an alien born is not held to an allegiance to the country until he has shown by some act that he has renounced the government under which he was born, while, on the contrary, a native owes it a natural allegiance; and that, therefore, the term of residence required should be no longer than may be sufficient to show that the alien has in good faith thrown himself upon the protection of our government, after expressly renouncing that under which he was born. Mr. Murphy also advocated donations of the public domain to actual settlers. He was not less attentive to the interests of his district and state. The citizens of New-York and Brooklyn had long desired the construction of a permanent dry-dock at this port. The subject was committed to him by the naval committee, of which he was a member,

and he made a report which had the effect of procuring the favorable action of Congress on the subject. That great national work, which had been previously commenced and abandoned, was, through his instrumentality, accordingly resumed, and is now in successful course of completion.

In 1844 he was again presented as a candidate for Congress, but the democratic party was in a minority in the district, on the question of president; and, although he ran ahead of the ticket, he participated in its defeat.

The framing of a new constitution for the state presented an occasion for the exertion of his talents, as he was elected by a very large majority a member of the convention which was called for that purpose. The deliberations of that body are too recent not to be familiar to most readers, and not to dispense with the necessity of referring to the different parts which he took in them. He showed himself a ready and accomplished debater, and was the author of several important provisions, introduced into the instrument which was adopted. As chairman of the Committee on Municipal Corporations, he presented a report upon that subject from the committee; but that not going far enough, he presented also a minority report from himself alone, embracing wise and salutary reforms, such as the growing abuses in our city governments will soon render absolutely necessary. For want of time the convention only partially acted upon these reports, but adopted a provision, prepared by Mr. Murphy, enjoining the subject upon the attention of the legislature. The principles of reform suggested by him are of sufficient importance to be stated here, from public considerations. He objected to special charters, as a mere imitation of the grants of privileges, by which the free cities of Europe, so called, were invested with powers and rights, frequently of a sovereign and despotic character; and proposed that general laws should be passed, by which all cities, of the same class, should be subjected to the same provisions, just as all towns or counties are respectively regulated by one law. He also objected to special assessments for local improvements, as subversive of the right of private property, which was made by them, subject to mere caprice and opinion; and as calling forth, in a majority of cases, unnecessarily, the exercise of the right of eminent domain. In the place of them, he proposed that all improvements made by any city corporation, should be paid for out of the general treasury. He also proposed to limit the power of cities and villages in contracting liabilities, to cases where provision had previously been made by tax to discharge them, expressly, in whole or in part, thus securing to tax-payers the opportunity of determining beforehand whether they would incur the debt for any specific purpose. The rapidly-increasing indebtedness of almost all the cities of the state of New-York, and the enormous abuses which the assessment-system, as practised, permits, calls for these or other like efficacious remedies. In these reforms, as in that of bank charters, he has only for a while anticipated legislative action.

This course met the approbation of his constituents, and he was elected, on his return from the convention, to a seat in the next Congress, by a larger majority than before, and upon the largest vote ever polled in the district. Another field is thus before him. Judging from the past, we feel assured that he will continue to show the same zeal and ability in sustaining the cause of popular rights, and to devote the same industry and energy of purpose in the public service, as has thus far characterized his political

career.

GOSSIP OF THE MONTH.

BARON DE BOIGNE.-This distinguished gentleman is already known in this country by his high literary reputation, and by his marriage with an American lady of family and fortune. His arrival in Boston, by the "Britannia," a few weeks since, therefore, attracted attention, and but for a distressing domestic affliction which befel him the very hour of his landing, (the death of his mother-in-law,) he would have been the object of many marked attentions on the part of our hospitable citizens. It appears that he has come invested with diplomatic powers from the French government to this country, the precise nature of which has not transpired. He has been received with great civility at Washington by Mr. Polk and his cabinet. The Baron will return almost immediately to France, having thus briefly fulfilled the purpose of his visit.

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We understand, that short as has been his sojourn amongst us, he has employed his quick powers of observation and ready literary skill in sketching, with inimitable point and effect, the rapid impressions he has received, and which will likely appear in a Parisian journal of great distinction and influence. We have been promised the publication of these lively ebullitions, thrown off in the hurry and confusion of travel; and we are sure the readers of the Democratic Review" will appreciate their merit, as well as make every allowance for such errors as an entire stranger to our country, who has had no time for deliberate examination, is not unlikely to fall into. Whatever their occasional inaccuracies, it will be found that the sentiments which pervade them are those which animate the breast of every Frenchman towards this country-good will and profound sympathy. Should Baron de Boigne leave our shores in August next, as contemplated, we trust the minister, from whom he has received his functions, will see the fitness of renewing his mission to the United States, where he is sure to aid, by his conciliating demeanor and brilliant talents, in diminishing that estrangement which, of late, has manifestly existed on our part towards the present French government.

MR. WHEATON.-A complimentary dinner was given to this distinguished gentleman, on the 17th of June, at the New-York Hotel, by a body of his fellow-citizens, comprising all that was most respected amongst us for learning, position, and fortune. Hon. Albert Gallatin presided, assisted by J. W. Francis and D. Field, Esqs., &c. It was a mark of esteem that any man might feel proud of, and the more so that its object must have been conscious that it was suggested by no hollow motives of party, but sprung from a general and deep conviction of his worth. Mr. Wheaton has acquired great distinction for himself by his admirable writings on International Law, and in an equal degree conferred honor on his country. The subject is one so lofty and abstruse, as to demand great learning, and powers of the highest order; and the universal applause bestowed on his work, attests most clearly that he brought both to his task. It is, besides, particularly striking, that the last great commentary on International Law is the work of an American. This is as it should be; for to our country, and its principles, is given the mission to reconstruct the mutual relations of all nations in the future, and to one of our republican creed, therefore,

doth it especially belong to give new interpretation to the true laws of nations.

It is a matter of little consequence to a man of Mr. Wheaton's reputation, whether he holds office or not; but it is a subject, however, of the deepest concern to his countrymen, that talents and virtues like those which illustrate his character, should not be lost to the country, and therefore it may be looked upon as more than probable that the federal administration will seize gladly the first opportunity to bring the abilities of Mr. Wheaton again into the service of the people. Any appointment, at home or abroad, conferred on this eminent citizen, would gratify the whole country without distinction of party; and any administration, whether democratic or whig, would do itself honor by bestowing its confidence on a man, who has proved himself faithful in the discharge of his public duties, useful to his country, and, by his writings, a benefactor to his race.

ITALIAN OPERAS.-We have only a line left for a single paragraph on the subject of our city amusements. Since our last, one operatic troupe has made a swan-like end, "fading in music," and another has arisen from its ashes. The Havana Company has met with great success, even in June, owing, both to the merits of its members and the skillful management of its gentlemanly conductor, Don José Vellerino. Why can't such a manager, uniting experience, ability, and high character, be found for the permanent direction of an Italian Opera in this great city? With such a man at the head of such an enterprise, we would hear of no cabals among the artistes, or failure among the managements. A refined and popular amusement would then annually delight our dilettanti, and afford a charming resort for the benefit of all classes. Let us have a splendid Opera-House built in New-York, in size commensurate to our population; in elegance, to our taste, and in price to our pockets. That is, places for all, and prices for all, and above all, let us have Don Vellerino for director. He is in manners and education a gentleman; and it is nothing against him in the American mind that he was condemned to death by the Inquisition of Spain for his devotion to the liberties of his country. He was banished; and the man who might have lived a Senator, will probably die a Theatrical Manager. Such are the vicissitudes of life. We have written the above on learning, to our deep regret, the probable abandonment of the Astor-Place Opera. In this case, we shall rally under the banner of Don Vellerino; for his abilities, tact, and resources, will make his success absolutely certain.

FINANCIAL AND COMMERCIAL REVIEW.

THE state of business is such as affords every reason for congratulation upon the general prosperity, remembering, however, that a portion is drawn from the distress of Europe. One of the most singular features of the markets are the vast supplies of produce, beyond what the most sanguine supposed was in the country, that the high prices have brought out. In our last number we remarked, in continuation of the view we have held since last November, that the wants of England must be very great before harvest sets in, and that the supplies could be drawn only from the United States. Recent arrivals have strongly impressed this fact upon the public mind. Towards the close of April, when freight was high, and it was supposed that the canal would soon open, and by enhancing supplies reduce prices, at the same time an increase of shipping might reduce freights, the exports of produce from New-York became very light, and continued so for several weeks. The consequence was, that as the season advanced in England, and the actual lightness of stocks became more apparent, the absence of the expected quantities from the United States engendered panic. High as were prices in England, they were higher on the continent, and exports thither were