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advanced, the Department will of course be promptly informed by cable.

Insofar as the boundary question itself is concerned, there have been no recent developments of interest or importance, and it now seems improbable that any action in the matter will be taken by the Dominican Government prior to the forthcoming visit of President Borno which is now tentatively set for December 6th. In the meantime a committee, composed principally of prominent lawyers, which was informally appointed by President Vasquez to study the whole question of the frontier problem is continuing its studies. I was informed today that the committee has about completed its work and that its report will be in the hands of the President within a few days.

The executive committee of the Dominican Nationalist Party recently adopted a resolution, a translation of which is enclosed herewith,oo protesting against the institution of any negotiations respecting the frontier question "so long as the military occupation continues in the neighboring Republic". In addition, the President of the party recently addressed an open letter to the members of the committee mentioned above contending that the present so-called Haitian Government is illegal and unconstitutional and is therefore incapable of entering into international agreements which would be binding upon the countries concerned. A translation of the letter is enclosed." I have [etc.]

EVAN E. YOUNG

738.3915/327 The Minister in the Dominican Republic (Young) to the Secretary

of State

No. 747

SANTO DOMINGO, December 31, 1927.

[Received January 10, 1928.] SIR: I have the honor to report with respect to the Haitian-Dominican boundary question that informal conversations, which it is hoped will proceed to a point where formal negotiations can be undertaken with some assurance of success, were instituted in this city on December 28th at a conference in which participated Minister of Foreign Affairs Sanchez, Mr. Troncoso de la Concha, Mr. Jacinto de Castro and Mr. Peyña-Battle, representing the Dominican Government, and Mr. Dejean, the Haitian Minister.

At the beginning of the conference a question arose as to whether Mr. Dejean's participation therein was based on special powers from the Haitian Government to deal with the boundary question or was to be regarded as solely in his capacity as Haitian Minister. Mr. Dejean said that he was without any special powers, and that none

e Not printed.

appeared to be necessary for the present. He then read to the conference extracts from personal letters addressed to him by President Borno which clearly indicated a desire on the part of President Borno that Mr. Dejean during his stay in this country should interest him. self primarily in matters pertaining to the boundary question and its settlement.

In response to a suggestion which was then made by Mr. Sanchez that the Minister should make a brief statement and embody therein any suggestion which he might care to advance with respect to a desirable mode of procedure, the Minister said that as he viewed the matter it was incumbent upon the Dominican Government to make the next move”; that he had already acquainted the appropriate officials here with the views of his Government,-viz.: That the status quo line "with compensation” should be agreed upon as the basis of any discussions. He explained that by "compensation” he meant that obviously it would be necessary for each Government to cede to the other certain territory. He urged that a serious effort be made to agree upon a boundary line, and strongly recommended that the physical fixation of such line be left to a technical commission. He contended that the work of preparing accurate maps of the frontier zone might well follow rather than precede any efforts to reach an amicable agreement with respect to the line itself.

The Dominican representatives pointed out that under the provisions of Article 3 of the Dominican Constitution relative to the nonalienation of Dominican territory the Government might find it necessary to convene a constituent assembly for the purpose of procuring a modification of the article in question prior to the consummation of any agreement with respect to the boundary. In reply to a request for an expression of his opinion in the matter, Mr. Dejean said that the question was of course one for the Dominican Government to determine. He pointed out however that somewhat similar provisions were to be found in the Haitian Constitution and in the treaty of 1915 with the United States. After a further conversation of a somewhat general nature, the conference adjourned to reconvene on Monday, January 2, 1928.

Following the conference, I had a rather extended, though entirely personal and unofficial conversation with the Haitian Minister. With respect to the question of the provisions of Article 3 of the Dominican Constitution and their bearing upon the boundary question and the negotiations directed to its adjustment, I suggested as coming entirely from myself, that it would appear to be both wise and expedient to push the negotiations now, and that if the Dominican Government later should hold that an amendment to the constitution was in fact

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necessary, such action might well follow the conclusion of an agreement ad referendum between the two countries; that should a constituent assembly be convened to amend the provisions of Article 3, domestic political considerations might induce the Dominican Government to suggest other amendments having no bearing on the boundary question and it might become entangled with domestic political matters. This, I thought, would be most unfortunate. I suggested that the logical order of events in view of the considerations which I had advanced would be (1) agreement on boundary question, (2) constituent assembly, if necessary, to amend provisions of Article 3, (3) ratification of boundary agreement.

The Haitian Minister agreed fully with my suggestions, and again expressed his appreciation of the interest in the matter which had been taken by this Legation and of our obvious desire in an informal and discreet way to be of all possible assistance. I have [etc.]

EVAN E. YOUNG

STATEMENT BY THE SECRETARY OF STATE REGARDING BOLSHEVIK

AIMS AND POLICIES IN MEXICO AND LATIN AMERICA

810.00B/16a Statement Left by the Secretary of State With the Senate Committee

on Foreign Relations 82

[WASHINGTON,] January 12, 1927.

BOLSHEVIK AIMS AND POLICIES IN MEXICO AND LATIN AMERICA

The Bolshevik leaders have had very definite ideas with respect to the role which Mexico and Latin America are to play in their general program of world revolution. They have set up as one of their fundamental tasks the destruction of what they term American Imperialism as a necessary prerequisite to the successful development of the international revolutionary movement in the new world. The propagation of communist ideas and principles in the various countries of Latin America is considered secondary to the carrying on of propaganda against the aims and policies of the United States. Thus Latin America and Mexico are conceived as a base for activity against the United States. Communists in the United States have been repeatedly instructed to devote special attention to the struggle against “American Imperialism" in Latin America and to the organ

"In a circular instruction, Jan, 27, 1927 (not printed), copies of this statement were transmitted to diplomatic officers in Latin America, with this nota. tion : "Following was left with the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations as part of the records of the Department of State for the information of the Committee. The Secretary informed the Committee that it was not confidential."

ization of resistance to the United States. Bolshevik aims in this respect were succinctly set forth in a resolution of the Third Congress of the Red International of Trade Unions, July 8-22, 1924, as follows. It was resolved: "... 4. To unite the national struggle against American Imperialism in individual countries in a movement on a scale of the whole American continent, embracing the workers of all countries of Latin America and the revolutionary forces of the United States. Mexico is a natural connecting link between the movement of the United States of North America and Latin America, therefore Mexico must be the center of union.

7. In the name of the Trade Union Educational League of the United States, to appeal to the toilers of Latin America with a call to create a united front against American Imperialism. ..."

Similarly, a representative of the American Communist Party, speaking at the VIth Session of the Enlarged Executive Committee of the Communist International on February 24, 1926, declared:

“The last and most important task of our party is the fight against imperialism. The Communist Party of America must become the defender of the oppressed peoples of Latin America. The time is not long distant when Latin America will become the China of the far west and Mexico the Canton of Latin America."

In the theses approved at the VIth Session of the Enlarged Executive Committee of the Communist International it is stated, with respect to Latin America,

“Latin America also can and must become a basis of support of the liberation movement against imperialism (against the imperialism of the United States). In the present state of things the nations living in Latin America are as a majority oppressed nations which sooner or later will be drawn into the struggle against the imperialism of the United States."

During the past few years the Bolshevik leaders have been giving more and more attention to anti-American activities in Mexico and Latin America. The Communists in the United States have been criticized for not displaying sufficient energy in this sphere. Very specific instructions in this regard were issued to the Communists in the United States in the “Resolution on the American Question” adopted at the VIth Enlarged Plenary Session of the Executive Committee of the Communist International at Moscow on March 15, 1926. It pointed out "to the American Communist Party the tremendous importance which the labor movement (and the movement for independence) is assuming in the countries of South America. There is no doubt that in the future struggle for the overthrow of the yoke of the bourgeoisie

of the United States, the working class and the peasantry of Latin America will play a tremendous role. The American Communist Party must not be a party of self-centered interests but must become a party which understands how to raise the question of the hegemony of the proletariat in the whole movement for freedom which is directed against the imperialists of the United States. Moreover it is necessary that the workers (Communist) Party maintain the closest contact with the labor movement in the colonies of Cuba, the Philippines, etc., and support them in their fight against American imperialism.

In view of this the Executive Committee of the Communist International instructs the Central Committee of the American Communist Party to devote the most serious attention to the tasks cited and above all to appoint an earnest group of Party workers to participate in the current work in Latin America in agreement with the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Communist International."

In accordance with Moscow's instructions the American Communists during the last two years have been placing special emphasis on their anti-American work in Mexico and Latin America. Considerable attention was given to this matter at the Fourth Convention of the Workers (Communist) Party in Chicago, August 21–30, 1925. A special organization known as the All-American Anti-Imperialist League has been created by the American Communists to carry out the instructions of Moscow in the matter of organizing Latin America against the United States. The following is taken from a report on "Anti-Imperialist Work” delivered at the Fourth National Convention referred to above:

“The Fifth Congress of the Communist International severely criticised nearly all the Communist Parties in the imperialist countries for not carrying on a sufficiently energetic campaign against imperialism.

Under the present Central Executive Committee, the Workers Party of America has for the first time made anti-imperialist work one of its basic activities. The outstanding feature of our work against American imperialism is that it has entered the field of active practical cooperation with the oppressed peoples of American imperialism, the most important step in this connection being the successful organization of the All-America Anti-Imperialist League.

"In January of this year 1925 a sub-committee was elected by the Central Executive Committee which assumed charge of all the antiimperialist activities of the Party. This committee prepared material for campaigns, furnished articles on imperialism for the party press, drew up manifestoes and leaflets, and was the medium through which the party cooperated with anti-imperialist organizations in Latin-America. Manifestoes were issued to the Cuban Labor Congress held at Havana, to the International Marine Transport Workers' Convention held at New Orleans, several manifestoes to the Mexican

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