The Assembly of Virginia, in all the plenitude of their patriotism-at a time when their high wrought souls would have sustained an honourable comparison with those senators who waited, self-devoted, the approach of Brennus-fled before him. They could do no otherwise. They had no peasantry to support their unavailing courage. Before negroes became numerous in Virginia, white men came to Hampton as servants. But this kind of importation has long since ceased. What white man can endure labour in a state where it constitutes a mark of slavery? Hume remarks, that Lycurgus might have spared the prohibition of silver, if he had known the use of paper; for that wherever the latter appears, it expels the former. (This, our present experience evinces.) And if ever you wish to expel the labouring freeman, introduce slaves, and the business is done-done for ever.

A bold peasantry, their country's pride, When once destroy'd, can never be supply'd.

But this mode had not been prac tised in New England: therefore her sons numerous as brave, at the appearance of the best army that ever stood upon the continent, met their foes "dareful beard to beard," and, in spite of the pride of discipline, compelled regular troops to pile their arms in presence of militia.

Was it not through a slave state, although highly patriotic, that the British troops proceeded to Washington' They would as soon have charged bayonet on the raging ocean, as have attempted to penetrate the same distance into Massachusetts, although the seat of the Hartford Convention.

A gentleman of Virginia, endued with the penetration of a statesman, and the spirit of a patriot, has exposed the danger of the banking system, considered by him as tending to merge the property of the poor in that of VOL. I.-16

the rich. But he forgot that, before his eyes, was fast arising another power, predestined to engulf both the rich and the poor together. That the southern states must one day sink under this domestic evil, was foretold many years since. But the author of the prediction was not a resident of those states; had he been so, custom would have removed the danger from his eyes. When first the new comer in the West Indies sees himself surrounded by black faces, he feels his flesh quiver: but habit familiarizes every thing; and the same man, after a few weeks, calls out the stoutest fellow in the gang, and orders him to lie down, and receive a flagellation from one of his nearest relations. From this principle, and from this alone, can I account for the supineness of the gentleman alluded to. Were it not for this, he would shudder when he counted the numerous births upon his plantation; and the reflection, that an enemy came in each, would compel him to turn his uncommon abilities to a subject of rather more importance than the banking system-to a subject which calls loudly for the attention of our best men, while there is yet left a chance, though precarious, for our future safety.-Heartily do I wish that these lines may meet his eyes, and induce him to bestow upon the subject the consideration it deserves.

NOTE.-The decease of the gentleman alluded to, has disappointed the hopes of the author.

(To be continued.)

AFRICAN FREE SCHOOLS IN THE UNITED STATES.

Perhaps, we cannot better exemplify the truth of our foregoing remarks, than by presenting our readers, to the best of our knowledge, with a list of African free schools. These facts will speak more eloquently, than any remark of ours, to the mind of the philanthropist. They at once show, that many things at which men of common minds wonder, viewed in connexion with their causes, have nothing in them of an extraordinary nature. Can the husbandman, if his fields be neglected during the time

of ploughing and sowing, expect a harvest? Can the mind of man, neglected during his youth, appear in after-life cultivated?

It may be expedient to premise, that we have thought it unnecessary to mention other places than those of note, where the coloured population is considerable. But to our list.

Portland, Me.-With a coloured population of nine hundred, provides one school for the education of their children, under the care of a mistress. Better things are in progress.

Boston, Mass.-With a coloured population of two thousand, provides, assisted by the liberal donation of the late Abiel Smith, Esq., three schools for the instruction of their children, viz. two primary, under the care of African female teachers, and a grammar school under a master. As we have more than once referred to the donation of Mr. Smith, perhaps a better chance may not occur for gratify. ing the curiosity of our readers.

[Abiel Smith, Esq. of Boston, left by will, for the support of a school for African children, $4000 of three per cent, stock; thirty shares in the Newburyport Turnpike; twenty shares in the Second New Hampshire Turnpike; seventeen shares in the Kennebeck Bridge; five shares in the Bridge at Tiverton, R. I.; and five in the Bathing House, Boston.-Notes to Dr. Harris' Sermon before the African Society.]

Salem, Mass.-With a coloured population of four hundred, put a school into operation the last year, for the education of their children, but from causes unknown to us, closed it after six months.

New Haven, Conn.-With a coloured population of eight hundred, provides two schools, during three months in the year, under the care of a master and mistress.

Providence, R. 1.—With a coloured population of fifteen hundred; and Hartford, Conn. with five hundred, provide none.

Philadelphia.-With a coloured population of twenty thousand, provides three schools for the instruction of their children, under the care of four teachers.

New York. With a coloured po

pulation of fifteen thousand, provides two schools for the instruction of their children, under the care of a master and mistress. Parents, we learn, who are able, are obliged to pay one dollar per quarter for each child.

We need not mention the names of any other places, as we know of none other schools. Seeing then, that the schools now in operation, for the edu cation of our children, are so few and imperfect, ought others to wonder, that not many, after arriving at manhood, are fitted to take a respectable stand in society. What are the advantages to be derived from an instruction in these schools, compared to those of a higher and more elevated nature' What are the incentives held out to a lad of colour? Are there higher schools, to stimulate him to greater exertions? Is he placed, and considered, an equal with other boys in schools of the same rank? Do the committees or trustees, expect him to be as well grounded in the elementary branches? A little smattering, and a few words recommendatory from his teacher, are all they look for from a boy of colour. The very idea of his colour, is enough to elicit praise from his learned visiters, when the same exercise performed as well by another boy,would pass unnoticed, and be considered as a thing of course.

We suspect, it is unnecessary to mention, that much depends upon the teacher, as well as the pupil. We are so skeptical, that we cannot believe, that almost any one is qualified to keep a school for our children. Enemies may declaim upon their dulness and stupidity; but we would respectfully inquire, have they not had dull and stupid instructers; who, if placed in any other than a coloured school, would hardly be considered as earning their salt: but we must be silent, as any one who possesses a few qualifications (unnecessary to be here named) is, in the general estimation, fit to keep a school for us. We protest against such silence; and to show our sincerity, shall continually raise our feeble voice against the unequal advantages for education enjoyed by our children: and though upon the community at large, this may have little effect; yet we trust, there will be found, some

"unjust judges," who wearied with us, may strive in real earnest to do something for their education.

Let our children and youth be but once convinced, that as much is expected from them as from other boys of the same standing; let the elementary branches most essential to the business of after-life, be well fixed in their young minds; (neglecting exercises not of immediate practical use for a later period;) let public committees and trustees visit their respective schools more frequently, and examine more thoroughly, and see that teachers do not keep their pupils unprofitably employed, or exercised upon the same rules in arithmetic and grammar, or upon the same map in geography for a show-off against the visitation day, which may not take place more than once or twice a year. Let these necessaries be done, and, no good result from their operation; and then shall we be convinced that really we are of a different species and not variety, and that the Creator has, in his providence, designed us for "hewers of wood" and "drawers of water," and "beasts of burden," for our fairer brethren.

Writers, old and young, are fond of exclaiming that "there is a wide difference in point of intellect between the African and European. It is in vain to plead the degraded condition of the Negro-had not nature dealt out her gifts to him with a sparing hand we should not have remained so long without evidence of her liberality. There are some thousands of free blacks in America, but no one has ever given the least indications of an elevated mind." Taking it for granted, that the above refers more immediately to the United States, we call upon the advocates of the system to point us to one individual who has enjoyed to the full extent all the privileges of his fairer brethren. Though there are thousands of free people of colour in this country, yet to them the seats of knowledge have ever been as the temple of Janus, in time of peace. We will not enumerate the causes of their exclusion. They are well known. In South America and Hayti, where the man of colour is seen in all the dignity of man, freed from the preju dices, and endowed with the rights,

and enjoying all the privileges of citizenship, we behold him not a whit inferior to any of his fairer brethren. Conscious of his dignity, he acts and feels himself a man.

It is much easier for men to declaim, that things in their narrow conception of them, do not happen, than to investigate and maturely weigh the causes, which strike the man of cultivated taste as the only existing difficulty. The human mind fits itself to its situation, and to the demands which are made upon its energies. Debased and lowered beneath the standard of men, what incentives have we for action? No matter what his merits, no matter what his claims, no matter what his character, the man of colour sees himself and friends treated as the most contemptible vagrants: and all for what? because nature has stained him somewhat darker than common.

Conscious of the unequal advantages enjoyed by our children, we feel indignant against those who are continually vituperating us for the ignorance and degradation of our people. Let the most intelligent people upon earth be enslaved for ages-let them be deprived of all means of acquiring knowledge-let their very name be considered a byword through the land --and we venture to assert, that we should behold beings, as ignorant, degraded, and dead to every noble feeling, as our brethren. But well wishers as we are for the dissemination of knowledge, we never desire such to be the contemptible situation of any people. Were wishes of any avail, ours would be the enlightening of all nations--the spread of the true principles of liberty and equality.

Notwithstanding all the evils under which we labour, did our brethren but feel the importance of a good education being bestowed upon every member of society, how different would be the after-years of many of our children! Duly enlightened and qualified to perform the duties of a citizen (though denied the opportunity,) their whole life might reflect credit upon our community, and serve to extinguish many prejudices which arise from our ignorance, depravity and want of propriety. The world of a certainty is daily growing more enlightened, and

we must advance also, if we wish not to remain where our fathers did before us.

Having exposed, in our feeble manner, the great deficiency at present existing as it regards schools for the education of our children and youth; we invoke the aid of all the friends of humanity in all quarters of this extensive country, to come forward and use their endeavours, for the establishment of schools for our too long neglected people.-Freedom's Journal, edited by two persons of colour.

FOURTH OF JULY CELEBRATION.-1820. City of Washington.

A respectable party, consisting of gentlemen, natives of seven different countries, dined together in the long room over the Public Baths, in C. street. Major Young, the appointed president, being prevented by business from attending, Mr. Gardiner supplied his place: and Mr. William Elliot, agreeable to appointment, filled the place as Vice President. Dinner being concluded, the Chairman and Mr. Elliot respectively addressed the company, after which

Mr. John Wright rose, with the City of Washington Gazette in his hand. He said, having prepared no notes or written memorandums, he should make use of such printed ones, as the newspaper in his hand would furnish, and I request, gentlemen, said Mr. W. that you will indulge me so far as to permit me to read, out of this paper, the first article of the Declaration of Independence, as it will serve as a proper basis, on which to ground what I have to offer, (here Mr. W. read, with much emphasis, the paragraph, beginning with "We hold these truths to be self-evident,"* &c. and then continued to the following purport:) The more I investigate the contents of this article, the more I

"We hold these truths to be selfevident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights; among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these governments are instituted, deriving their just power from the consent of the governed."

am led to estimate the value of the transaction of that auspicious event, the anniversary of which we are now celebrating. As this article is a fundamental one, and professedly contains the very principles, the funda mental principles on which human liberty rests; the very basis of the right to individual or national freedom and independence, I cannot contemplate it without entertaining the highest opinion, nor without feeling the greatest veneration, for the brave, the virtuous and ever to be admired champions in the cause of man, that framed, adopted, signed, and promulgated this invaluable instrument. It requires but a very superficial examination of this article, to be convinced that these great characters were not influenced by selfish motives; that they were not influenced by a narrow policy, that they were not proceeding, nor desirous of proceeding, on any but general principles; that while they claimed liberty and independence for themselves and the people whom they represented, they were not unmindful of the rights of others. They well understood, and they fully recognized the natural, and imperishable rights of all men. Hence we find them, in the hour of trial and of danger, when every thing was at stake, when they had every thing personally to fear, as the consequence of their sincerity and firmness; we find them taking their stand on the broad principles of justice and universal right, and in the face of their tyrants, in the face of their country, and of the world, declaring truths which cannot be doubted, but are selfevident, "THAT ALL MEN ARE CREATED EQUAL; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain RIGHTS; that among these are LIFE, LIBERTY, and the PURSUIT of HAPPINESS."

UNALIENABLE

Now as they laid down these as fundamental principles, as self-evident truths, which could not be contro. verted, it would be doing these worthies a great injury, it would be libeling their memory and taxing their sincerity, to suppose that they did not intend to be understood, as convey. ing their real sentiments. These great characters could not intend to make an exception, to the prejudice of our

coloured human brethren. They must have included them in the ALL MEN; and though at that time many were held in a state of bondage, and considered as the property of their fellow men, they could not possibly have used the language of the DECLARATION, and anticipated the continuance of slavery, in a country, where their own independence and liberty were claimed on principles recognizing the equality of all men, and the unalienable rights of all, to Life, Liberty and the pursuit of happiness.-Men, thus acting and thus declaring to the world the principles on which they acted, could not have anticipated the existence of slavery in this country forty- || four years after that period, and that too, with an increase of four times their then number. As this country asserted her rights to freedom and independence, on the common rights of all men to the same blessings; and as the main design of the observance of this day, is to commemorate the Declaration signed by these great men, the great feature of which is the recognition and proclamation of this principle, I think, that wherever men, who understand the principles of liberty, meet to celebrate this anniversary; and especially, wherever this Declaration is read, the state of our coloured brethren ought not to be forgotten; but their rights asserted, and their injuries deprecated, till the blessings which this Declaration recognizes, as the unalienable rights of ALL, shall be enjoyed by ALL. What must be the feelings and reflections of the black or coloured population of this country on this day; we are celebrating an event which brought and ensured us liberty and independence: but while it recognized their rights to those blessings, it has tended rather to clench than unloose their chains. If governments derive their authority from the governed, what just authority can the government of this country have over the negroes who never delegated power to them or to any other? Or, if laws by which any people are to be regulated must have the assent, representatively, of those who are to submit to such regulations, who have a right to require such submission from our enslaved

brethren? The right of SELF-GOVERNMENT, as belonging to ALL, is asserted in this declaration, and yet, in this country, there are more than NINE HUNDRED THOUSAND individuals, held in a state of bondage, and totally deprived of this right. I state this number (which is indeed far below the truth) on. the ground of their being eighteen of the members of Congress, who hold their seats there as Representatives of the slave population, at the rate of fifty thousand slaves for each member.*

The number of slaves in this free country, are more than equal to half the amount of the Israelites when they left Egyptian slavery; and in twenty years, will more than equal their whole number. It must sink the character of this country in the estimation of other nations, to hold so great a body of men in slavery while we boast of this as the land of liberty. But even what are called the free people of colour, do not enjoy full liberty; in many instances they are oppressed, and treated with injustice. When we heard of the calamity by fire, with which the city of Savannah was visited, all our feelings were affected. In every part of the United States, the people commiserated their distresses and bountifully contributed to alleviate the same; but have the inhabitants of that city acted so towards the coloured population? on the contrary, they are oppressing the free men of colour, and treating them with the greatest injustice. We might have expected that they would have profited by the chastisement they received; that the rod of calamity would have taught them to be just and humane. This, however, is

*The census for 1820, had not then been made. The slave population of 1810, was 1191364. The ratio of representation, when this speech was delivered, was one for thirty-five thou sand free persons; or one representative for 58333 slaves. The slaves in the United States, in 1820, amounted to a million and a half, or nearly one sixth of the whole population. The number of the free coloured race at the same time, was 233530.