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There is too much reason to beBeve that slaves were imported into several of the states, both before 1808 and since; but they must, during most of the time included within our calculations, have been imported clandestinely if imported at all. Though we may justly shudder at the thought of our national guilt, in so long permitting, either by legal toleration, or clandestine connivance, this abominable commerce to pollute our shores, it is not probable that the importations from Africa, since 1790, have swelled, in any remarkable degree, the general mass of the black popula

tion.

ca: which law expired in 1795, by its own limitation. In 1800 it was again enacted that slaves should not, after the passage of the act, be imported into the state, either by land or water, except in certain cases, of which the African trade certainly composed no part. In 1851, a penalty was affixed to the act of receiving or holding any slave introduced into the state, in contravention of the law of the former year. In 1832, slaves imported contrary to law, were declared free. In 1803, the prohibitory acts of the former years were rendered perpetual. ‡

In the constitution of Georgia it is declared, “There shall be no future importation of slaves into this state, from Africa, or any foreign place af

ter the first of October next." This

• Not having a copy of that law before me, I cannot give the date of its enactment, nor its provisions, with certainty. It is referred to as then existing in the report of the proceed

The reviewer has attributed the increase of the free black population to those importations; but how they could produce that effect he has not thought necessary to explain. If those importations consisted wholly of slaves, which was unquestionably the fact, except, perhaps, in a few instances, when the laws hereafter no-ings of delegates from the abolition ticed, deprived the importers of their prey; it is obvious the only increase which they could possibly make would be to the number of slaves.

Though the constitutional restriction, respecting the importation or migration of slaves, was introduced in compliance with the wishes of the delegates from S. Carolina and Georgia, yet within a few years from the date of the constitution, the authorities of those states prohibited the very traffic, or at least the African part of it, which their delegates were not willing to entrust to the discretion of

congress.

In South Carolina, it appears that a law was enacted in or before the year 1794, prohibiting, for a specified time, the introduction of slaves from Afri- ||

societies, in 1794.

† It is somewhat curious to observe, that these legislators, at the moment they were prohibiting the slave trade, do not appear to have dreamed, that the rights of the victims might possibly have been violated by the traffic; for they ordered that all negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes, brought into the state, contrary to the law, should be sold by the sheriff of the district, and the moneys thence arising, after the liberal payment of the persons concerned in the prosecution, applied to the promotion of seminaries of learning in the district where the conviction should occur. A very judicious approximation, truing a slave to write, was then, and ly, in a state where the crime of teachstill is visited with a penalty of 100 pounds, (four hundred and twentyeight dollars and four sevenths.)

Brevard's Digest of the Laws of S. Carolina, vol. ii.-title slaves. § Article iv. Sec. 11.

constitution is dated 30th of May, 1798.

I have been the more particular and minute on this subject, not only from a desire to do justice to the people of those states, but because the error into which the reviewer has been betrayed, is common to a large portion of the American public. We have generally believed that the Afri- || can slave trade was legally tolerated in South Carolina and Georgia, till arrested by the act of congress of 1807.*

We may now conclude that the im portations from Africa ought not to be considered as an item of much importance in our estimates of the slave population.

The acquisition of Louisiana has unquestionably added to our slave population, but to what extent I have no means of determining. The cession was made in 1803. In 1804, a law was enacted prohibiting the introduction of slaves from abroad into the territory of Orleans, now the state of Louisiana; and placing certain limitations, upon their introduction from other parts of the United States. In 1810, the whole number of slaves in the ceded territory, was 37,671, and this number may be fairly presumed to have increased after 1803: particularly, as in 1820 we find the slave population in the same districts amount to 80,903. If we suppose the increase of slaves to have proceeded in the same ratio from 1804 to 1810, and from 1810 to 1820, we shall have the number of slaves in 1804, fifteen months after the cession, within the ceded territory 23,781.† These *See p. 12, for this act. Some of my readers may perhaps be willing to see the mode of de

slaves being supposed to double, by natural increase alone, in fifteen years, would amount in 1810 to 31,379, and in 1820 to 49,812. The excess above these numbers may, with reasonable propriety, be attributed to emigra tions.

Let us now see the result of a second calculation. The whole population of the United States in 1790 was 3,929,336, and in 1820 it was 9,637,999, indicating an increase in 30 years of 145 per cent, without including any part of the population of Louisiana, Missouri, or Arkansas. Allowing the nine states north of Maryland, and those north of the Ohio, to be included among the free states, and as having given to the other states as many inhabitants as they received from them, and omitting Delaware altogether as of ambiguous character, we find the increase of the white population in 30 years in the free states 164 per cent. But the increase of the whites in the slave states, beginning with Maryland, and making allowance for the number acquired with Louisiana, for the same period, was 122 per cent. While the slave population in these states, with a similar deduction, had increased during the same period, 127 per

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na, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, Kentucky and Tennessee, we find the increase of the white population, from 1790 to 1820, at the rate of 222 per cent, but the increase of the slave population, for the same period, 281 per cent.

In the second number of this jour nal, it is shown that in nearly all the states south of Virginia, there has been a constant encroachment of the slave population on the white, with but two exceptions, through every period included in the enumeration.

If these results do not support the conclusions of Raymond to their full extent, they at least indicate the correctness of his general reasonings, and show that a slave population increases faster than the white population in a slave-holding state.

COLOURED POPULATION.

In the fourth number of this journal, an article was inserted from the Freeman's Journal, on the subject of African schools, in which the coloured population of several towns in the United States is professedly given. The article was inserted without comment, the editor of this journal not supposing himself responsible for its correctness. But on a review, finding the numbers inconsistent with the returns of the Marshals of the United States as inserted in the census of 1820, he has judged it expedient to give the numbers as they stand in the official publication for that year.

Portland, Maine, 224. Boston, 1685. Salem, Mass. 261. New Haven, Con. 624. Providence, R. I. 979, Philadelphia, city and county, 11,981. New York, city and county, 10,886.

HORRID OCCURRENCE.

Tuscaloosa, Alab. June 30. Some time during the last week, one of those outrageous transactions -and we really think, disgraceful to to the character of civilized mantook place near the northeast bounda ry line of Perry, adjoining Bibb and Autauga counties. The circumstances, we are informed, by a gentleman from that county, are: that a Mr. M'Neily having lost some clothing, or some other property of no great value, the slave of a neighbouring planter was charged with the theft. M'Neily in company with his brother, found the negro driving his master's wag. gon; they seized him, and either did, or were about to chastise him, when the negro stabbed Mr. M'Neily, so that he died in an hour afterwardsthe negro was taken before a justice of the peace, who, after serious deliberation, waived his authority-perhaps, through fear, as the crowd of persons from the above counties had collected to the number of seventy or eighty near Mr. People's (the justice) house. He acted as president of the mob, and put the vote, when it was decided he should be immediately executed by being burnt to death the sable culprit was led to a tree and tied to it, and a large quantity of pine knots collected, and placed around him, and the fatal torch was applied to the pile, even against the remonstrances of several gentlemen who were present; and the miserable being was in a short time, burnt to ashes.

An inquest was held over the remains, and the sheriff of Perry Coun ty, with a company of about twenty men, repaired to the neighbourhood where this barbarous act took place, to secure those concerned, but with what success we have not heard, but we hope he will succeed in bringing the perpetrators of so high handed a measure to account to their country for their conduct in this affair. is the second negro who has been thus put to death without judge or jury, in that county.

MEMOIR OF DAVID BARCLAY.

This

The late David Barclay, who died in his 81st year, at Walthamstow, was the only surviving grandson of Ro

bert Barclay, of Urie, author of the celebrated Apology for the Quakers. He was bred to business in the city of London, and was long at the head of a most extensive house in Cheapside, chiefly engaged in the American trade, and the affairs of which he closed at the commencement of the revolution. He was, at that time, as much distinguished by his talents, knowledge, and integrity as a merchant, as he has ever since in retirement, by his patriotism, philanthropy, and munificence. We cannot form to ourselves even in imagination, the idea of a character more perfect than that of David Barclay. Graced by nature with a most noble form, all the qualities of his mind and heart corresponded with the grandeur of his exterior. The superiority of his understanding confirmed the impression which the dignity of his demeanor made on all; and though by the tenets of his religious faith he abstained from all the honours of public trust to which he was frequently invited by his fellow citizens, yet his influence was justly great on all the public questions of the day: his examination at the bar of the House of Commons, and his advice on the subject of the American dispute, were so clear, intelligent, and so wise that, though not followed, lord North publicly acknowledged he had derived more information from him than from all others on the east of Temple bar. It was the American revolution that determined him to wind up his extensive concerns, and to retire; but not as busy men generally retire; to the indulgence of mere personal luxury. His benevolent heart continued active in his retreat. He distributed his ample fortune in the most sublime ways. Instead of making all those persons whom he loved dependant on his future bounty, as expectants at his death, he became himself the executor of his own will, and by the most magnificent aid to all his relatives, he not only laid the foundation, but lived to see the maturity of all those establishments which now give such importance to his family. Nor was it merely to his relations that this seasonable friendship was given, but to the young men, whom he had bred in his mercantile house, and of

whose virtuous dispositions he ap proved. Some of the most eminent merchants in the city of London are proud to acknowledge the gratitude they owe to David Barclay, for the means of their first introduction into life, and for the benefits of his counsel and countenance in their early stages of it. It is a proof of the sagacity of his patronage that he had very few occasions to repent of the protection he had conferred. And the uninterrupted happiness he enjoyed for many years in the midst of the numerous connexions he reared, held out a lively example and a lesson to others of the value of a just and well directed beneficence.

His virtue was not limited to his relatives, to his friends, to his sect, to his country, or to the colour of his species-he was a man of the warmest affections, and therefore, loved his family and friends-he was a patriot, and therefore preferred his own country to all others; but he was a Christian, and felt for the human race. No man, therefore, was ever more active than David Barclay, in promoting whatever might ameliorate the condition of man-largely endowed by providence with the means, he felt it to be his duty to set great examples; and when an argument was set up against the emancipation of the negroes from slavery, "that they were too ignorant and too barbarous for freedom," he resolved at his own expense, to demonstrate the fallacy of the imputation. Having had an estate left to him in Jamaica, he determined at the expense of near £5000, to emancipate the whole gang (as they are termed) of slaves. He did this with his usual prudence as well as generosity. He sent out an agent to Jamaica, and made him hire a vessel, in which they were all transported to America, where the little community was established in various handicraft trades and domestic services; the members of it prospered under the blessings of his care, and lived to show that the black skin enclosed hearts as full of gratitude, and minds as capable of improvement, as that of the proudest white. Such was the conduct of this English merchant!

During all this course of well doing,

his own manners were simple; his hospitality large, and his charities universal. He founded a house of industry near his own residence, on such solid principles, that though it cost him large advances, and much personal application for several years, he succeeded in his object of making it a source of comfort, and even of independence, to all the well disposed families of the poor around. We could fill a column with the recital of individual acts of his benevolence, which, though discriminate, was never degraded by the narrowness of a religious distinction.

Nothing could surpass the tranquillity of his last moments. He was

composed, cheerful, and resigned. He had no struggle with life; he rather ceased to live than felt the pang of death.-London Paper.

SAMUEL NOTTINGHAM'S NEGROES.

In the year 1776, Samuel Nottingham, a Quaker, who became possessed of a small estate in Tortola, to which were attached twenty-five negroesviz. six men, ten women, four boys, and five girls-determined on manumitting them. He accordingly did manumit them by a deed, dated 30th of 6th month, 1776.

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In the year 1822 this little colony of free persons was visited several times by two highly respectable gentlemen; on whose authority we are enabled to state the following particulars. 'Of the original persons liberated, nine are still alive; besides whom there are twenty-five of their children, and nine grandchildren; making in all forty-three persons. The whole of them reside on the same plantation, which they have ever since cultivated. Half of it is chiefly in provisions, and the rest is used as pasturage for their stock, which consists of twenty-eight cows, thirteen goats, and thirteen hogs. Formerly they cultivated cotton, but, the price falling very low, they did not continue to plant it. Jeffery Nottingham, one of those originally emancipated, exclusive of his share in the plantation and stock, possesses five acres of land and a house in Spanishtown, and a vessel of twenty-three feet keel. Diana and

Eve (born since 1776) have each a boat of seventeen and fourteen feet keel. For some years the seasons were so bad that they found it difficult to get water for their stock, and got little return for their labour: but still they had been able to support themselves, and to acquire the property mentioned above, while they increased in number from twenty-five to forty-three. Not one of them is now in debt; and their property is free from all incumbrance. Twelve of the grown up persons are members of the Methodist Society, and, with their children attend regularly the Methodist chapel at East End, except in case of sickness. During the whole period since their emancipation none of them have been sued in court, or brought before a magistrate to answer to any complaint. Only one of them once obtained a warrant against a person who had assaulted him, who begged his pardon and was forgiven. The same person, on coming from sea, was arrested the day he landed for a capitation tax on free persons, of which he had not been apprised, and put into prison. The next day he paid the money, about eighteen dollars, and was released. Several of them can read and write. Jeffery's wife, Grace, acts as schoolmistress: she reads well. They have lately built three houses in their village, of wood, and shingled. The whole of their houses had been destroyed by the hurricane of 1819, and have since been rebuilt. They are a fine healthy race, all black, having intermarried with each other; and seem to dwell very happily together."

CONSISTENCY.

It is a crime to go to Africa, and steal a man, and make him a slave. For two centuries this was no crime at all. It was most just and innocent commerce. My honourable friend, Mr. Wilberforce, instituted an inquiry into this innocent traffic, and it turned out to be a most intolerable enormity. It is a crime, then, by the laws of England, to make a full grown African a slave. And how is it less a crime, to make a new born creole a slave?-Buxton's Speech in the House of Commons.

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