THE fifth number of the American Review," is now offered to the public. The undertaking has as yet experienced much indulgence, and will be assiduously prosecuted, in the expectation, that it will not only continue to attract attention, but finally engage in its support the literary talents of the country. Were the list of literary contributors such as it might be, or any way proportionate to that of the subscribers, nothing would be wanting, to insure the accomplishment of the important purposes, for which the work was instituted.

Some original matter of considerable interest and value, has been purposely excluded from the present Number, in order to allow place, to the documents accompanying the President's message, which, as state papers, are too important to be overlooked, and which it was thought preferable to publish in one body. It is intended to make hereafter, such a distribution of this journal, as to adapt it to the taste and pursuits, not only of professed scholars and politicians, but of the more numerous class of general readers. The correspondence on "France and England," will be resumed, and a suitable degree of attention given to American literature.

CONTENTS of No. V.

Report of the French National Institute on the Progress of
History, &c.

Elective Affinities;-a Novel by Goëthe,

Observations on Dr. Clarke's Travels in Russia, &c. by a Russian,

Sketch of the Military System of France, &c.

APPENDIX.

Message of the President of the United States, to both Houses of Congress,

Correspondence between Mr. Foster and Mr. Monroe relative
to the British orders in council, &c.
Correspondence between Mr. Monroe and Mr. Foster relative
to the Floridas,

Correspondence between Mr. Pinkney and lord Wellesley,
Message of the President accompanying a letter from general

Turreau, and a letter from Mr. Serurier,

Correspondence of Jonathan Russell, Esq.

Correspondence of George W. Erving, Esq.

Letter and Report of the Secretary of the Treasury,

Page

Rapport Historique sur le Progrès de l'Histoire et de la Litterature Ancienne depuis 1789, et sur leur Etat actuel. Presenté à sa Majesté l'Empereur et Roi en son Conseil d'Etat par la Classe d'Histoire et de Litterature ancienne de l'Institut. Imprimé par ordre de sa Majesté. A Paris, 1809. Historical Report upon the Progress of History and Ancient Literature since the year 1789, and upon their actual condition, presented to his Majesty the French Emperor and King in his Council of State, by the Class of History and Ancient Literature of the Institute. Printed by order of his Majesty. Paris, 1809.

IN the year 1807 the several classes of the French Institute, were ordered by the emperor, to prepare for him, a history of the progress of the branches of knowledge peculiar to each, since the commencement of the French revolution.-This work was accordingly undertaken, and the result of the labours of the learned body submitted to his imperial majesty in 1808, but not given to the world until the ensuing year. The volume which we announce, contains the report of the third class, and professes to treat much at large, of the advances made, from the epoch just mentioned, in the various departments of literature, to which the attention of the class is exclusively directed. -These are ancient philology;-the oriental languages;ancient and modern history, ancient and modern geography, legislation and speculative philosophy.

The Report of the first class on the improvements and discoveries during the same interval, in the physical and mathematical sciences, is examined at some length in the twenty ninth number of the Edinburgh Review. That which we have now under consideration, is however, but slightly noticed, and, to judge from the terms employed, was read with very little attention: otherwise the reviewer would not have declared, that he had found in it "great liberality with regard to foreign nations," no more than he would have asserted, had he enjoyed opportunities of personal observation," that those branches of knowledge which are least favoured by the emperor, and to which his protection is not extended, are at this moment studied in France with great assiduity." The volume before us, deserves, in our opinion, even a more particular examination, than that which has been given to the Report of the first class of the Institute; not only because it contains some very curious, and interesting matter, but also, on account of its superior consequence in a moral and political point of view, the most serious and important of the aspects, under which,especially in these times,-any subject can be considered. With the cause of English literature, as well as with that of English arms, we believe the highest interests of mankind to be at this moment intimately connected, and we are not without strong suspicions, that the report in question, was chiefly intended by the French ruler, to operate to the prejudice of the literary reputation of his enemy. With these impressions, we hold ourselves in some measure bound to dedicate a few of our pages, to an investigation of the general merits of the work. The passages which we shall translate for our readers, cannot fail to afford them entertainment.

Those who have attended carefully to the character and history of Bonaparte, will not certainly be willing to admit, that, in imposing on the Institute, the task of which we have been speaking, he was actuated by the magnanimous views ascribed to him in the Introductory discourse of the present Report. We cannot think him inflamed with zeal for the interests of science and literature, nor can we suppose, in conformity to the language of the Institute, that in this instance, his object was merely "to have under his view at once the universality of human studies;-to be able thus to appreciate them in their ensemble and in their several parts, and thereby to judge of the utility of which they might be rendered productive to the happiness and prosperity of the great family of the human race." The general tenor of the work, and the language addressed to his majesty by the authors, furnish evidence of

motives very distinct in character, from this lofty and refined spirit of philanthropy.

Whoever has resided in France since the accession of Bonaparte to the supreme power, or is in the habit of perusing the French Gazettes, must know it to be among the favourite objects of this extraordinary man, to connect his name with every public institution and transaction of his empire, and to secure its diffusive immortality, if we may be allowed the phrase, by every possible device. For this purpose, the epithet Napoleon is attached even to the most trivial objects of a public nature;-the letter N. stamped in large capital on every public edifice; the image of the monarch affixed to the coin of the empire, and multiplied indefinitely, in medals, on canvass, in the tapestry of the Gobelins, and by every durable mode of illustration. The policy which aims at this species of celebrity, would naturally prompt him to exact, what the Institute so obsequiously tender in the present work;-" the homage of the sciences, of letters and of the arts;" and in no form more imposing could it be obtained, than in that of a tribute like the one under consideration. Imbued with this idea, which was undoubtedly that of Bonaparte, M. Dacier, the perpetual secretary of the class, exclaims in the introductory discourse, "if Alexander or Augustus had caused the general state of knowledge under their reign to be thus ascertained and exhibited by a body of savans, how much would not this important and noble picture have added to their glory!"

It is understood to belong to the personal gratifications of Bonaparte, as well as to his ambitious policy, to convert the learned of the empire, and particularly the Institute, into officious panegyrists of his character and government; to habituate them to the most tractable and prostitute servility; to break and dastardize the elevated and republican spirit, which a devotion to moral studies rarely fails to engender. The motives for this plan derived from the temper of the individual, and the circumstances under which he reigns, are too obvious to need exposition. Nothing could more efficaciously promote his views on this head, as well as every part of his scheme for employing the agency of science and letters in corroborating his dominion, and embellishing his name, than this general history, wherein the prosperity of all branches of knowledge is industriously traced to his munificent patronage, and the grossest adulation prodigally poured forth, in the name and with the sanction of the Institute, themselves, as it were, the representatives and depositaries of the science and erudition of the whole empire. Our readers may judge of the