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debased, elevated them to their proper level; now, when the people are elevated, and occupy the lofty place of equal political rights, debases them to comparative servitude. The condition of things in free America is widely different from that which existed in Europe during the feudal ages. How absurd, then, to continue a system of grants, for which all actual occasion long since ceased, and which are now at utter and palpable variance with the great political maxim that all alike profess! It is our desire, however, in treating this subject, to use no language which may embitter the feelings of those who entertain contrary views. We wish to win our way by the gentle process of reason; not by the boisterous means which angry disputants adopt. It has, in all times, been one of the characteristic errors of political reformers, and we might say, indeed, of religious reformers, too, that they have threatened, rather than persuaded; that they have sought to drive men, rather than allure. Happy is he 'whose blood and judgment is so well commingled,' that he can blend determined hostility to public errors and abuses, with sufficient tolerance of the differences of private opinion and prejudice, never to relinquish courtesy, that sweetener of social life and efficient friend of truth. In a small way, we seek to be a reformer of certain false principles which have crept into our legislation; but as we can lay no claim to the transcendent powers of the Miltons, Harringtons and Fletchers of political history, so we have no excuse for indulging in their fierceness of invective, or bitterness of reproach."

The essential distinction between parties which has existed in this country from the foundation of the Government, and the principles upon which that distinction rests, are thus delineated :—

"Since the organization of the Government of the United States the people of this country have been divided into two great parties. One of these parties has undergone various changes of name; the other has continued steadfast alike to its appellation and to its principles, and is now, as it was at first, the DEMOCRACY. Both parties have ever contended for the same opposite ends which originally caused the division-whatever may have been, at different times, the particular means which furnished the immediate subject of dispute. The great object of the struggles of the Democracy has been to confine the action of the general government within the limits marked out in the constitution: the great object of the party opposed to the Democracy has ever been to overleap those boundaries, and give to the general government greater powers and a wider field for their exercise. The doctrine of the one party is, that all power not expressly and clearly delegated to the general government remains with the states and with the people: the doctrine of the other party is that the vigour and efficacy of the general government should be strengthened by a free construction of its powers. The one party sees danger from the encroachments of the general government; the other affects to see danger from the encroachments of the states.

"This original line of separation between the two great political parties of the republic, though it existed under the old confederation, and was distinctly marked in the controversy which preceded the formation and adoption of the present constitution, was greatly widened and strengthened by the project of a National Bank, brought forward in 1791. This was the first great question which occurred under the new constitution, to test whether the provisions of that instrument were to be interpreted according to their strict and literal meaning, or whether they might be stretched to include objects and powers which had never been delegated to the general government, and which consequently still resided with the States as separate sovereignties.

"The Government of the United States is a limited sovereignty. The powers which it may exercise are expressly enumerated in the constitution. None not thus stated, or that are not necessary and proper' to carry those which are stated into effect, can be allowed to be exercised by it. The power to establish a bank is not expressly given, neither is incidental; since it cannot be shown to be 'necessary' to

carry the powers which are given, or any of them, into effect. That power cannot therefore be exercised without transcending the constitutional limits.

"This is the democratic argument stated in its briefest form. The aristocratic argument in favour of the power is founded on the dangerous heresy that the Constitution says one thing, and means another. That necessary does not mean necessary, but simply convenient. By a mode of reasoning not looser than this it would be easy to prove that our government ought to be changed into a Monarchy, Henry Clay crowned King, and the opposition members of the Senate made peers of the realm; and power, place, and perquisites given to them and their heirs forever."

His high notions of the dignity of politics, which he regarded as a branch of ethics, because it so intimately concerns the happiness of mankind, and the demoralizing tendency of those partial modes of legislation which degrade it from its noble objects, are enforced in the passages which follow:

"Public moralists have long noticed with regret, that the political contests of this country are conducted with intemperance wholly unsuited to conflicts of reason, and decided, in a great measure, by the efforts of the worst class of people. We apply this phrase, not to those whom the aristocracy designate as the ‘lower orders;' but to those only, whether well or ill-dressed, and whether rich or poor, who enter into the struggle without regard for the inherent dignity of politics, and without reference to the permanent interests of their country and of mankind, but animated by selfish objects, by personal preferences or prejudices, the desire of office, or the hope of accomplishing private ends through the influence of party. Elections are commonly looked upon as mere game, on which depends the division of party spoils, the distribution of chartered privileges, and the allotment of pecuniary rewards. The antagonist principles of government, which should constitute the sole ground of controversy, are lost sight of in the eagerness of sordid motives; and the struggle, which should be one of pure reason, with no aim but the achievement of political truth, and the promotion of the greatest good of the greatest number, sinks into a mere brawl, in which passion, avarice, and profligacy, are the prominent actors.

"If the questions of government could be submitted to the people in the naked dig. nity of abstract propositions, men would reason upon them calmly, and frame their opinions according to the preponderance of truth. There is nothing in the intrinsic nature of politics that appeals to the passions of the multitude. It is an important branch of morals, and its principles, like those of private ethics, address themselves to the sober judgment of men. A strange spectacle would be presented, should we see mathematicians kindle into wrath in the discussion of a problem, and call on their hearers, in the angry terms of demagogues, to decide on the relative merits of opposite modes of demonstration. The same temperance and moderation which characterize the investigation of truth in the exact sciences, belong nct less to the inherent nature of politics, when confined within the proper field. The object of all politicians, in the strict sense of the expression, is happiness-the happiness of a state—the greatest possible sum of happiness of which the social condition admits to those individuals who live together under the same political organization.

"It may be asserted, as an undeniable proposition, that it is the duty of every intelligent man to be a politician. This is particularly true of a country the institutions of which admit every man to the exercise of equal suffrage. All the duties life are embraced under the three heads of religion, politics, and morals. The aim of religion is to regulate the conduct of man with reference to happiness in a future state of being; of politics, to regulate his conduct with reference to the happiness of communities; and of morals, to regulate hls conduct with reference to individual happiness. Happiness, then, is the end and aim of these three great and comprehensive branches of duty; and no man perfectly discharges the obligations imposed by either, who neglects those which the others enjoin. The right ordering of a state affects, for weal or wo, the interests of multitudes of human beings; and every individual of

those multitudes has a direct interest, therefore, in its being ordered aright. 'I am a man,' says Terence, in a phrase as beautiful for the harmony of its language, as he benevolence and universal truth of its sentiment, and nothing can be indiffer. ent to me which affects humanity.'

"The sole legitimate object of politics, then, is the happiness of communities. They who call themselves politicians, having other objects, are not politicians, but dema gogues. But is it in the nature of things, that the sincere and single desire to promote such a system of government as would most effectually secure the greatest amount of general happiness can draw into action such violent passions, prompt such fierce declamation, authorize such angry criminations, and occasion such strong appeals to the worst motives of the venal and base, as we constantly see and hear in ever conflict of the antagonist parties of our country? Or does not this effect arise from causes improperly mixed with politics, and with which they have no intrinsic affinity? Does it not arise from the fact, that government, instead of seeking to promote the greatest happiness of the community, by confining itself rigidly within its true field of action, has extended itself to embrace a thousand objects which should be left to the regulation of social morals, and unrestrained competition, one man with another, without political assistance or check? Are our elections, in truth, a means of deciding mere questions of government; or does not the decision of numerous questions affecting private interests, schemes of selfishness, rapacity, and cunning, depend upon them, even more than the cardinal principles of politics?

"It is to this fact, we are pursuaded, that the immorality and licentiousness of party contests are to be ascribed. If government were restricted to the few and simple objects contemplated in the democratic creed, the mere protection of person, life, and property; if its functions were limited to the mere guardianship of the equal rights of men; and its action, in all cases, were influenced, not by the paltry suggestions of present expediency, but the eternal principles of justice; we should find reason to congratulate ourselves on the change in the improved tone of public morals, as well as in the increased prosperity of trade.

"The religious man, then, as well as the political and social moralist, should exert his influence to bring about the auspicious reformation. Nothing can be more selfevident than the demoralizing influence of special legislation. It degrades politics into a mere scramble for rewards, obtained by a violation of the equal rights of the people; it pervert the holy sentiment of patriotism; induces a feverish avidity for sudden wealth; fosters a spirit of wild and dishonest speculation; withdraws industry from its accustomed channels of useful occupation; confounds the established distinctions between virtue and vice, honor and shame, respectability and degradation; pampers luxury; and leads to intemperance, dissipation, and profligacy in a thousand forms.

"The remedy is easy. It is to confine government within the narrowest limits of necessary duties. It is to disconnect bank and state. It is to give freedom to trade, and leave enterprize, competition, and a just public sense of right, to accomplish, by their natural energies, what the artificial system of legislative, checks and balances has so signally failed in accomplishing. The federal government has nothing to do, but to hold itself entirely aloof from banking, having no more connection with it than if banks did not exist. It should receive its revenues in nothing not recognized as money by the constitution, and pay nothing else to those employed in its service. The State governments should repeal their laws imposing restraints on the free exercise of capital and credit. They should avoid, for the future, all legislation not in the fullest accordance with the letter and spirit of that glorious maxim of democratic doctrine, which acknowledges the equality of man's political rights. These are the easy steps by which we might arrive at the consummation devoutly to be wished.

"The steps are easy; but passion, ignorance, and selfishness, are gathered round them, and oppose our ascent. Agrarian, leveller, and visionary, are the epithets, more powerful than arguments, with which they resist us. Shall we yield dis

couraged, and submit to be always governed by the worst passions of the worst portions of mankind; or by one bold effort shall we regenerate our institutions, and make government, indeed, not the dispenser of privileges to a few for their efforts in subverting the rights of the many, but the benifecent promoter of the equal happiness of all. The monopolists are prostrated by the explosion of their overcharged system; they are wrecked by the regurgitation of their own flood of mischief; they are buried beneath the ruins of the baseless fabric they had presumptuously reared to such a towering height. Now is the time for the friends of freedom to bestir themselves. Let us accept the invitation of this glorious opportunity to establish on an enduring foundation the true principles of political and economic freedom.

"We may be encountered with clamorous revilings; but they only betray the evil temper which ever distinguishes wilful error and baffled selfishness. We may be denounced with opprobrious epithets; but they only show the want of cogent arguments. The worst of these is only the stale charge of ultraism, which is not worthy of our regard. To be ultra is not necessarily to be wrong. Extreme opinions are justly censurable only when they are erroneous; but who can be reprehended for going too far towards the right? If the two extremes,' says Milton, in answer to the same poor objection,be vice and virtue, falsehood and truth, the greater extremity of virtue and superlative truth we run into, the more virtuous and the more wise we become; and he that, flying from degenerate corruption, fears to shoot himself too far into the meeting embraces of a divinely warranted reformation, might better not have run at all.'"

Of the mode in which Mr. Leggett was sometimes accustomed to reply to the virulent personal attacks of his opponents, let his defence of the "Jack Cade of the Evening Post" bear witness. (Vol. 1, page 125, &c.) As a specimen of happy retort, dignified in its tone, eloquent in expression, persuasive in argument, noble in sentiment, admirable in composition, and honorable in its vindication of a despised man, we know of nothing superior to it in the history of editorial controversy, and regret that our limits prevent us giving it entire.

We cannot close these volumes without joining with Mr. Sedgwick in the expression of regret that their author should have been thus taken away from us in the midst of his labors, with the prospect of improved health, and still more useful and honorable exertion opening full before him; and his faculties, matured by the severest discipline of life, fast ripening into a rich and vigorous maturity. We grieve that we have been deprived of the benefit of his example and instructions; that we have lost the fruits of so many years of patient toil; that the virtues trained in the midst of so much conflict are gone; that there has disappeared from the world a mind capable of stirring it with noble thoughts, so full of lofty enthusiasm, so strong in its integrity, and devoted to the cause of humanity and truth; we lament it, because having borne the burden of the struggle, we wish he could have lived to witness the event; because we would have among us a greater number of bold and disinterested men; because we are unwilling to part with those spirits who scorn tyranny, and love justice; who, impressed with the deep purposes of existence, can give themselves to the noblest truths, that the old, at their departure, may be cheered with the hope of a better future for their children; and the young, at their beginning, encouraged to live in accordance with the free and generous impulses of their hearts.

THE SOLEMN DAYS HAVE COME.

I.

The solemn days have come, and, too, the waning year,
The emblem of our lives, with foliage brown and sere;
The Spring is gone, and all its modest, meek-ey'd flow'rs,
Soft winds, and budding trees, and changeful, joyous hours.

II.

Youth and the Spring are gone, and burning Summer's prime
Brought forth its ripen'd stores, with tints of fading time,

And mellow fruit upon the woods, strange thoughts within the head,
And thrilling through the heart the mem'ries of the dead.

III.

The gentle May passed on, with dripping wild-flow'rs crown'd,
And Summer spread his fruits in gladness all around;

But Summer leaves are gone, and Summer birds have fled,
And Autumn's hollow winds moan sadly o'er the dead.

IV.

Above the lov'd, the dead, autumnal winds will sweep,
And o'er my mother's grave the chilling rains will weep;
And by her side, scarce yet in youth's unfolded hours,
Our sister must be laid-the Lily of the Flow'rs.

V.

The flow'r that blooms must fade, the eye that weeps grow dim,
And moaning winds will sing their low, autumnal hymn;

But in the upward depths of midnight's solemn air,
The constant star will shine in mildest beauty there.

VI.

And as life's gloom comes down, beyond its utmost bound,
Beyond the shroud, the coffin, and the airless ground,
An emblem star to cheer us, like the mother's eye
'That watch'd us here, may guide us when we come to die.
G. W. THOMPSON.

WHEELING, Va.

VOL. VII. NO. XXV.—JAN., 1840.

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