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and orderly; and many of the parents of the children, as well as other persons, avail themselves of the additional opportunity afforded them of attending divine service at St. Margaret's church in the afternoon. To such as have conducted themselves well, a Bible and Prayer-book have been presented upon their leaving the school, with a testimonial of their good conduct inscribed in each book: and the parents have spontaneously attended to return thanks for the benefits which their children have received from this institution.
To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine, SIR, CCORDING to promise, in the Monthly Magazine for June, I have forwarded a drawing of the apparatus for exhibiting accumulated electricity. If you approve of it, and think it will have a tendency of giving the least help to the farther investigating the science of electricity, it is at your service for insertion in your useful Magazine. Bridport, August 17, 1814.
G. L. Roberts.
B. a glass tube, three feet long, and six inches diameter, with a brass ball inserted at each end; the balls to be about two inches diameter, and to he well turned and polished, and as free from holes, or any imperfections, as possible. A. a brass cap, with a valve for exhausting the tube, which must be as complete as a good air-pump will do it; at any rate, for it to succeed well, 98 or 99 parts out of 100 is necessary. C.C., a brass ball at each end of the tube, well polished, three inches diameter. F.F. two glass pillars to support the tube. D. the conductor of Cuthbertson's plate-machine, (the plate of which is two feet diameter.) E. a jar, of the usual sort, coated with tin-foil, in the common way, eighteen inches high, ten inches diameter. G. a chain, which is fastened to the ball at the farthest end of the tube, and to the external coating of the jar. When this apparatus is used, place the ball of the jar against the ball of the conductor, and the ball
of the tube about three quarters of an inch from that. Set the machine in motion, and, as soon as the jar is about three parts charged, the aurora borealis will appear; keep the machine in motion, and balls of fire, of dense purple colour, will pass fron ball to ball; still continue to turn the machine, and they will soon be succeeded by stars, with a loud report, and as bright as the sun.”
To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine.
S the miscellaneous character of A your work precludes long details or discussions on agricultural subjects, I regret that you have been led, from the perusal of the Norfolk newspapers, to give currency, among your Provincial Occurrences,page 583 of the last volume, to a pretended fact, ascertained in Norfolk, as to the deleterious effects of mangel-wurzel to cows fed thereon; because the real facts resulting from considerable experience, of hundreds of agriculturists in every part of Britain, are the very reverse of this; and, long before you gave so extended a circulation to this alarming and mischievous statement, (without any intimation of its fallacy) a very unusual number of these agriculturists had pressed forward to deny and rebut the same, and are still doing so, by unanswerable evidence, in the Farmer's Journal, a weekly newspaper of very wide circulation, near one-third of whose pages is devoted to agricultural correspondence, and wherein the statement was first made, on the 28th of November last, by the clerical gentleman mentioned, who, resting his assertion on only one case in Norfolk, and two others in Cheshire and Staffordshire, from another's information, deemed these sufficient to ground his positive dogma— “That mangel-wurzel, if given to cows, is extremely injurious" !! forgetting, as is not unusual on another topic, to offer any of the essentially necessary concomitant circumstances, by which, conviction of the truth, rather than belief of the assertion, might be obtained by the growers of this root, to whom it was, with such officious zeal, addressed. Yet, when the fact, thus broadly advanced, had been denied by numbers of wellknown agriculturists, on large experience through many years, and the reverend gentleman was loudly called on for the mode of feeding, &c., he accompanied the same by this remark, viz. “whether the cows were fed judiciously or not, is by no means a question for me to enter upon”!! and, a little further on, he complaisantly adds, “I have stated what every farmer, who grows mangel-wurzel, ought to thank me for”! The reverend gentleman alluded to would undoubtedly have been entitled to the thanks, not only of all growers of mangel-wurzel, but of all well wishers to agricultural improvements; and the present intrusion on your valuable pages night have been avoided, if he had stated, as has since appeared, to the following purport, viz. –that, while the respectable individuals mentioned, were absent from their houses and farms in Cheshire and Staffordshire, and were enjoying the renowned hospitality of their friend in Norfolk, by some strange satality, the farming servants of each of them had, about the same time, given mangel-wurzel roots alone, in unlimited Tuantities, spread on bare pasture land,
* See the Monthly Magazine for June, 1814, page 446.
1815.] Mr. Farey on a Mis-statement respecting Mangel-Wurzel. 5
to the dairy cows; and that such injurious effects. seemed to have followed this new practice, that it was judged proper, without delay, to put the growers of this root on their guard against deviating from the usual and perfectly safe and successful practices of giving to cows a proportion of dry hay with these as well as other roots. That inadvertence, rather than a design to cry down the use of this valuable root, had led to the strange course that has been pursued, I would be glad to think; but, unfortunately, this seems nearly precluded, by the manner of defending the first assertion, and particularly the aiding of that “very judicious statement,” by another assertion, rather doubtfully expressed, that, “in addition to the other objections, mangel-wurzel is a great exhauster of land.” Westminster, John FAREY, sen. January 4, 1815. To the Editor of the Monthly Magazine. 8 I R, li E object of this letter is not to anticipate the multifarious and interesting facts which will shortly be presented to the curious—is not to prove, that De Lolme wrote the Letters of Junius—but simply to refute the only argument on which the converse of the proposition is founded ; the physical impossibility that he should have written them; the very weak and idle misconception—that a foreigner could not be capable of producing such English as we find in the Letters of Junius. In your late exposure of this self-delusion, you very fairly instanced the English of Baretti, and of Badini; as also that of the present elegant writer in our language, the learned and ingenious Mr. Fuseli; and, you might have added, the still more striking example of the English of that distinguished scholar, Count Carracioli, whose contributions, for years, imparted so much eclat to an English periodical publication; and whose secession from that publication, was so immediately and strongly felt, as to produce its speedy decline. A gentleman, writing in the Morning Post, under the signature of Coriolanus, has informed the public, that he knew De Loline personally ; that he, for some time, owed the honor of his daily visits to the necessity that ingenious foreigner was under, of having his ideas modelled and embodied by an English scholar. Now, Sir, I will not aver, though, perhaps, I safely might, that De lo,
had his birth occurred some forty or fifty years later, would, while in his ityhood, have been, in English literature, the master of this gentleman's manhood; but, without any qualifications whatever, do I assert, that he was a perfect master of our language at the period of this gentleman's childhood. It does not appear to be generally known, that the author of the “Essay on the English Constitution,” gave to the world, as early as 1772, (the very ear in which his letters were first pub}. collectively,) an English work, entitled “A Parallel between the English and Swedish Governments;” that the style of this work is, in every respect, equal to the masterly language of his translated Essay; that, of about one hundred and twenty paragraphs, one hundred and five are taken, word for word, from the translation of that very Essay, as that translation then existed in the private possession of the author, and as it was first published in the year 1775. It is, however, well understood by many persons, that his Essay, in its original language (French) was written in England, ready for the press as early as the year 1770, and sent, or carrica, by the author, to Holland, to be printed there; where it actually was printed early in 1771. It will therefore, no doubt, be said, that Junius, in 1771, Kior in the November of that year, he sent the MS. of his preface to the printer of the Public Advertizer,) translated the cited paragraph from this first French cdition; and that De Lolme, finding it so well executed, preferred its adoption, in his first English edition, published in 1775. But to admit this hypothesis, would he, either to confess that De Loline tid not translate his own Essay; and then, he never produced any thing in English; or, that he did translate his Essay; and then, though a foreigner, did surmount the physical impossibility of writing as good English- as Junius. For, if he did not translate his own Essay, neither did he write the “Parallel between the English and Swedish Governments,” the “History of the Flagellants, or Memorials of Human Superstition,” the “Dissertation” prefixed to De Foe's “History of the Union of England and Scotland,” “Thoughts on the Shop Tax,” “Thoughts on the Window Tax,” “Thoughts on the Tax upon Iławkers and Pedlars;” nor the “Enquiry,” so highly extolled by Dr. Coote, “ wirether the Dissolution of the Parliament, during the Trial of Mr.Ilastings,
did not, viewed constitutionally, invalidate the whole of the proceedings?" If De Lolme did not translate his own Essay, he did not write any of the above pieces; since they are all precisely in the same style: as perfectly so as the paragraph given from the Essay by Junius, is in the style of all the other paragraphs in the same Essay. Therefore, if Junius translated the paragraph with which he concludes his preface, not only did Junius, (be Junius whoever he might,) translate the whole Essay, but the same Junius produced all the other pieces bearing the name of De Lolme. If, on the other hand, De Lolme did translate his Essay, De Loline, not Junius, was the author of all the productions I have enumerated; and was, by consequence, the translator of the paragraph given by Junius; since, in the style of that paragraph, and the style of the rest of the work, we see one and the same style; and are reduced to the necessity of discovering how Junius, if Junius was not De Lolme, became possessed of that paragraph, since it is, syliable for syllable, the same as the corresponding paragraph in the E-say." If Junius was not De Lolme, yet did translate the quoted paragraph; or, if De Lolme was not Junius, but did adopt the translation of Junius; still De Lolme did not adopt the one hundred and five paragraphs, in the “Parallel between the English and Swedish Governments,” which are extracted from the translated “Essay on our Constitution;" therefore, it is evident, that this foreigner, either translated as well as Junius, (if Junius and De Lolme were different writors,) or furnished Junius with a translation, sufficiently excellent, in the judgment of Junius, to be incorporated with his own exquisite epistles. Coriolanus appears to have been acutely sensible, that the narrative of a gentleman who, (in the same paper,) wrote under the signature of Mercator, was too probable, too natural, too consistent, too specious and plausible, to be fairly contradicted. Coriolanus, with a certain pamphlet which will hereafter be produced, received from Mercator, a letter. This letter, Mercator, in a subsequent communication to me, charges Coriola nus with having mutilated and curtailed; as also with the total suppression of an
* The editor of the Monthly Magazine is possessed of a leaf of the manuscript of one of Mr. De Lolme's Tracts, written in his own hand, in pure English, and in a
meat and terse style. other,
other, complaining of the disingenu: ous treatment he had experienced from Coriolanus. To what extent the mutilations and curtailments were carried, I have to learn; not being yet in possession of the copy of that letter, though it has been promised me by Mercator. Without being insensible of Mercator's kindness, (be Mercator whomsoever he may,) I am able to rest my evidence of the fact, that De Lolme was Junius, upou certain indisputable, irresistible circumstances, the knowledge of which, a sedulous and determined research has obtained. We see, Sir, however, how Mercator has been treated Mercator, who has cenducted himself so explicitly, so fairly' Mercator, who, for whatever he advances, produces some substantial evidence, some satisfactory corroboration Why has not Coriolanus been equally explanatory? equally ingenuous? Why has he administered to the public appetite for truth and reality, what does not bear even the semblance of truth? Why has he neither produced, nor named, those productions of De Lolme, for the correction and improvement of which, that ingenious foreigner honoured him with his daily visits? Why has he not pointed out even a single solitary passage, from the many with which he enriched the needy lucubrations of the author of the “Essay on the English Constitution ?” For his generous declaration, that great credit is due to my deep research into the subject of Junius, I am thankful. Did I perceive in his letter, or in the annotation appended to that letter by its author, any thing like research, any thing like argument, any thing like delicate, or even candid, treatment, I would be equally liberal in iny acknowledgments. I only wish to add, that, however persuasive the circumstances, however cogent the reasoning, here adduced, may appear, to unprejudiced minds, they are not meant to establish the fact of which I am convinced, and in the affirmation of which, I am so unequivocally direct. The physical impossibility of that fact, I have disproved, and the proofs of the fact itself are about to appear. Queen Ann Street, T. Busby. Jan. 14, 1815. "." As the public feel a certain degree of interest in this development, we shall cheerfully admit any communication of the writer who signs Mercator; and we hope, before our next publication, to receive some couclusive information from Geueva,
Entrance of the Confederates into Paris, 7
For the Monthly Magazine. Account of the Assault on PARIS, and of the ENTRANce of the confedeRates into that city ; in a LETTER from a LADY to her sist ER in ENGLAND. Paris, April 16, 1814. - * * * - * * * * * * * * * * All the French were persuaded they were coming with the determination of pillaging the houses, murdering the inhabitants, and setting fire to the town, in revenge for Moscow; with these ideas, numbers of lanilies inade their escape into Normandy and different parts of France. We had almost resolved to go to Morlaix, which is a sea-port three hundred miles off; but we continued talking of it only, till too late: we were told it was absolutely dangerous travelling, as the Cossacks were roving about in every direction, and frequently robbed the diligences on the road. I had prevailed on my father and mother to leave Passy, and come and live with us, that we might comfort each other in case of the worst; and it is very fortunate they did, for the environs of Paris have, and still continue to suffer very much by the soldiers, who feel themselves entitled to rob and plunder there as much as they choose. Imagine to yourself what a state we were in, when, on the Tuesday, March 29, our servant came into our room at six in the morning, to tell us she had heard the enemy was only three leagues from Paris. Several wounded soldiers had given the account, who were just arrived from the scene of action. Mr. B– went out to make enquiries, and found the report true enough. All Paris appeared in alarm; fear and consternation were pictured in every countenance. I had presence of mind sufficient to pack up what few valuables we possess, and hide them in a cupboard under the staircase; our plate and money we put in a hole under ground. Afterwards, I went out to buy a little provision of flour, rice, meat to salt, &c. in case we survived, and should not be able to leave the house. Nothing was to be seen all day but cartloads of goods, cattle of every description, women with their children coming into the town, without knowing where to go, being driven from their honies. What hurt me most was, to see the poor wounded soldiers brought in by cart loads, stretched upon straw, like so many calves, the greater part of thein nearly expiring for want of food, or from their wounds not being dressed. Being witne
witness to all these dismal scenes, you may suppose we passed a most restless night, and the next morning we were awoke at five o'clock, with the sounds of guns and cannons at a distance. I must tell you, our house is very near one of the entrances or gates of Paris, and opposite the mountain of Montmartre, which was slightly fortified. . A vast number of people were assembled on the hill, to see the battle on the plains behind; papa had the curiosity to go also, and came back with the account, that the Russians were gaining ground very fast. We saw all the artillery and troops go by—many thousands who were never to return any more. Our anxiety during half the day was beyond every thing, to know what was going forward in the field of battle, and what would be the result. All the inhabitants were standing at their doors, asking one another what was the news Sometimes they were absurd enough to say, the allies were completely beaten, and obliged to retreat; then it was rumoured about, that the emperor Napoleon was arrived with eighty thousand men, and consequently the victory would soon be declared on his side. The French were delighted with this news: as to me, though I really dreaded the consequences .# the city Theing taken, yet, I am so truly English, I could not help feeling quite angry when I heard the French were likely to gain any advantage. I wished and prayed most heartily for the success of the allies. Only think what a providential thing it was, that Bonapate could not get to Paris, for, by all accounts, he had determined to make every inan march, and see every house in flaines, rather than surrender. To continue—towards three o'clock the reports began to change; it was evident the Russians were advancing, as the sinoke behind the hills becatue more thick and black. Presently, we saw the French troops tearing into the town, infantry, cavalry, men, women, all pell-mell, screaming out that the enemy were entering by force. The sounds of the cannon made the house tremble beneath us; but, when they began to throw the balls into town, which we heard hissing over our heads, and the drum beat to arms, the signal for every man to go and defend the city, while the people were crying that one of the gates (or what they call here barriers) was in flames' Never, my dear Jane, shall I forget that moment; my heart seemed to die within me: we all looked as pale as death, and appeared almost berest of our senses. Poor Theresg (wh9 is our
servant) was quite sobbing as she clasped the little baby; Nancy, who is mama's servant) held Zelia, and I had Ursina in my arms; in fact, we looked the picture of despair. Mr. B–, who was more calm than we (as men generally are on these occasions), desired us to go in the cellar, which we did immediately, with my inother and a neighbour of our's with her daughter, who were here during the whole day: as to papa, he was as composed as possible; no more alarmed than little Caroline, or indeed than either of the children, for happily at their age they have no idea of danger. Fortunately we were not obliged to remain long in the cellar. All on a sudden, 'twas then between four and five in the afternoon, the fireing ceased; only conceive how delighted we were; it seemed to ine as if I were in heaven. From our window up stairs we saw the French making their escape from Montmartre, running down the hill as hard as they could scamper; and in less than ten minutes after, we saw the IRussians take possession of it, and their flag hoisted. The report soon spread itself that the allies had sent messengers to capitulate: all we had now to fear was if the twelve mayors to whom they addressed should refuse to yield to their conditions. We knew the Russians were masters of all the heights, and that a vast quantity of artillery was on Montmartre; therefore, in case of a refusal, they would immediately have begun to throw balls and bombs into the town, and our house, being so near, would have been one of the first to tremble. However, before ten o'clock, we were told that Paris had surrendered, and that the emperor of Russia would enter the next morning. I was so happy to think all our fears of being bombarded were over, though I felt still so agitated I could not sleep during the whole night. We had the pleasure of hearing the conquerors before we saw them : those who were posted on the mountain celebrated their victory with the most enchanting music; we could discern their fires blazing on the ground while they were enjoying their repast, as I suppose they had been more than twelve hours without eating. The next morning, 'twas heavenly weather, the emperor of Russia and the king of Prussia entered Paris at the head of their armies. Such an immense army struck every one dumb with astonishinent. The cavalry only were more than two hours in passing by ; at the head of every regiment was a bond...of music, * * * * * M. B.