Mr. Grady had pledged $16,000 to WYEAC. To the best of my information and belief Mr. Grady made this pledge, not from conviction that the WYEAC program was a good one, but from a sense of pressure, using this means as a way of dealing with a situation in which he felt threatened.

Since January, 1968, I expressed my opposition to the funding of WYEAC to the members of the Board of Directors of GWDC, and to OEO in Washington through Mr. Edward S. Cogen, Counsel in the Mid-Atlantic Region Office. I suggested to the chairman of the GWDC's Ad Hoc Committee to study the Program and Financing of WYEAC that the members of GWDC should give these men jobs. He rejected this idea emphatically. He said "They couldn't do that." He said they had no skills and when I pointed out that they could drive cars, that one of them was a trained telephone switchboard operator and that some of them had held jobs, he rejected this also.

At this time I would like to reaffirm my opposition to WYEAC for the following

reasons:

1. One of the stated purposes of WYEAC is to curtail gang fighting and reduce gang friction. The fact is that since WYEAC has been getting funds, there has been a rise in the number of identifiable gang groups and in general the relationship between these gangs and WYEAC is one of mutual distrust. WYEAC has the money, the others do not. The funding of one gang to the exclusion of the others has generated bitter rivalry, as was to be expected, and it has inspired at least one other gang to "go" for the money. The struggle for power and recognition has gone on in the very areas where WYEAC is supposed to have been the strongest. Friction has broken out between other gangs and WYEAC and between gangs, and within the WYEAC organization itself a power struggle be tween factions has become evident. While some of this may have occurred if WYEAC had never existed, the ability of WYEAC to curtail gang friction has not been demonstrated in the last fifteen months, the situation has worsened. 2. WYEAC was funded for three months in 1967 on the premise that this period would be one in which staff would be recruited and a program developed. As previously stated, WYEAC hired themselves in violation of OEO regulations on nepotism, disclosure of criminal records and hiring of persons already employed. The composition of WYEAC staff has not changed materially. As for program, GWDC, the group now raising funds for WYEAC, has stated that they are still continuing their efforts to develop a sound program. (July, 1968.) 3. WYEAC made representation to the effect that it could reach youth who were hostile and suspicious. The kind of example members of WYEAC set for young black men who are out of touch with society is open to question. For instance:

(a) Members of WYEAC continue to violate the law. At least 22 out of about 50 to 60 paid staff members have been arrested for a variety of crimes since June, 1967, some of them for more than one offense. At least seven of them are known to have been in situations involving guns.

(b) WYEAC continues to hire persons accused of serious crimes of violence.

(c) WYEAC runs several youth centers. One of them, B J's Corner, has been the scene of fights and disturbances. After the near-fatal beating and stabbing of a young service man who visited the center, B J's Corner closed. Since it has been reopened, the windows in the building have had to be replaced a number of times, work in progress inside the building has been wrecked, and the Catholic Diocese is reported to have spent a substantial sum of money in maintaining the building to repair the damage caused by the users. Recently a man using the public telephone booth next to B J's Corner was beaten by persons claiming that the telephone belonged to B J's Corner and no one else could use it.

(d) I have been reliably informed that members of WYEAC have re sorted to extortion methods on small businessmen in local neighborhood stores. The persons involved will not come forward to make complaints be cause they fear retribution. Mr. Joseph Bradshaw, Chairman of the Governor's Committee on Civil Unrest, referred to this situation in a letter to Governor Charles L. Terry, Jr. which appeared in the local newspapers. On September 11, 1967, Mr. George Brown, Director of WYEAC, made the statement that WYEAC "made streets safe for people to walk at night." It is now one year later. The people of Wilmington were afraid to walk the streets at night then and they are even more afraid now. Attacks and muggings have increased to such an extent that just recently the Mayor of Wilmington announced increased police patrols. WYEAC members have always pointed out that

they are not a riot-control group, but they did claim that they could work with the "youth of the streets." Since the advent of WYEAC there is no evidence that this group has made any impact on the "youth of the streets" that is constructive, or that WYEAC has been a steadying influence on young black youth. Recently a situation existing in the Wilmington public schools has come to the public notice. It seems a number of attacks, incidents of extortion and threats have been going on both inside and outside school buildings involving school children mainly of junior high and senior high school age. For the most part it is reported that black youth have been the ones making the threats and attacking white youth. This problem has been in the making for some time and there is no evidence that I know of that WYEAC either through example or through direct intervention has concerned itself with an increasingly explosive situation. If WYEAC were doing a job and were having an impact on hostile black youth, the problems in the Wilmington schools should have decreased, not increased. whatever the impact of WYEAC, it has not served to assist the community in arriving at methods to work with black youth who are anti-social, unless one believes that a pay-off is the answer to anti-social behavior.

It is my firm conviction that WYEAC has not succeeded as a project. Too many of its staff members continue to violate the law. The neighborhoods served by WYEAC have become notorious for muggings and attacks, which says very little for what WYEAC has been able to accomplish. To have WYEAC considered as an example for black youth or as providing leadership for them is to consign black youth to the continued tyranny of the gang.

It is my belief that under no circumstances should public funds be given to WYEAC and that WYEAC should not be continued.

Mrs. HERLIHY. When WYEAC was formed, certain social agencies became involved with it and the original concept was curtailing gang fights and helping these young men adjust to society.

This I believe, the original concept, was very commendable. The first request for funds from the OEO, from the community action, was approved with the understanding that during the summer months WYEAC was going to recruit staff and formulate a program.

What happened was that the WYEAC project was a source of contention and trouble. They did not comply with Federal regulations on hiring, disclosure of criminal records, and giving preference to persons of low income.

The sponsoring agency seemed to have no control over it and I could get no information from the sponsor or from WYEAC. It became apparent that WYEAC was perpetuating the gangs from which it sprang and the OEO money was in substance a subsidy for the gang. The CHAIRMAN. When did you come to that conclusion?

Mrs. HERLITY. That summer. I would say the latter part of August and the first part of September.

The CHAIRMAN. Soon after this began functioning, soon after it got its first grant?

Mrs. HERLIHY. Yes.

The CHAIRMAN. All right.

Mrs. HERLIHY. I was in complete disagreement with what was happening and with the sponsoring agency, and I was the representative of that sponsoring agency.

The CHAIRMAN. You were the representative of the sponsoring agency?

Mrs. HERLIHY. To the community action board, to the poverty board. That is the way it was set up. I actually expressed my disagreement with them on their support and sponsorship and felt that I had to withdraw from that agency because I could not agree with what they were doing.

So, in September 1967, I no longer was associated with the poverty program. But WYEAC has remained a source of contention ever since. It is no secret that the general community distrusts and fears WYEAC. People wonder why WYEAC should be getting large sums of money when the new job training center, the OIC, is running out of funds.

The CHAIRMAN. You do have a job training center there?

Mrs. HERLIHY. Yes.

The CHAIRMAN. They are trying to do some good?

Mrs. HERLIHY. Yes.

The CHAIRMAN. Trying to train people for jobs?

Mrs. HERLIHY. Yes.

The CHAIRMAN. That is federally financed and it needs money? Mrs. HERLIHY. That is right.

The people of Wilmington wonder what WYEAC actually does, since it does not conduct job-training programs and it is not a riotcontrol group. Residents of the community also question whether they should give to the United Fund if the United Fund agencies continue to support WYEAC.

I go to my statement.

The question of hiring persons with criminal records was raised by Mr. Richard Pryor, director of the office of inner city development of the Catholic diocese of Wilmington. This is when the WYEAC application was being considered.

My answer was that a criminal record did not bar a person from being hired but that each case had to be considered individually.

Early in July the fund from the special summer appropriation were made available for the two projects Community Action had approved: WYEAC and the summer job program. The summer job program got off to a quick, successful start, but WYEAC did not start.

On Tuesday, July 25, 1967, I was called by telephone at 3 o'clock in the morning by Charles Miller, a member of WYEAC, who demanded that I come to an emergency meeting at 10 o'clock that day to be held in the Catholic diocese building at 13th and Broom Streets. In attendance at the meeting were the mayor, the city solicitor, public safety director, staff from the sponsoring agency, Community Service Council, George Johnson from Community Action, a number of members of WYEAC, as well as representatives of the press. During the wait for the meeting to begin the mayor passed a note to me which said, "Be careful what you sav." Charles Miller conducted the meeting and stated its purpose. WYEAC wanted money and they wanted to have agency procedures waived. They said if they did not get their money they couldn't answer for what would happen in Wilmington. The CHAIRMAN. Miller is the man who became what? He was the youth organizer, was he?

Mrs. HERLIHY. I don't know his title.

The CHAIRMAN. It is shown on here: vouth organizer, at a salary of $7.700 a year. What was it Miller said?

Mrs. HERLIHY. He said if they couldn't get their money they couldn't answer for what would happen in Wilmington.

The CHAIRMAN. What did that mean?

Mrs. HERLIHY. I am not sure what it meant, Senator McClellan. This was a meeting held at a very tense moment. There had been an incident the night before. They were claiming that they had to get started but

they couldn't get started because of these agency procedures that were holding them up.

They said the community should be made aware of the possibilities of outbursts. They had already told the U.S. district attorney of the possibility of such outbursts taking place.

I would like to submit a copy of a newspaper article for an exhibit which tells about the meeting with the U.S. district attorney.

The CHAIRMAN. This may be made exhibit 225 to the testimony. (Document referred to was marked "Exhibit No. 225" for reference and follows:)

EXHIBIT No. 225

WILMINGTON CALLED RIPE FOR RACIAL RIFT

(By Tom Malone)

A meeting called to study the potential for racial violence in Wilmington drew conclusions found "shocking, frightening and disheartening" by U.S. Atty. Alexander Greenfeld last night.

After a four-hour meeting in his office with 17 neighborhood leaders, Greenfeld issued a statement which said that although the older segment of the Negro community is “generally” against violence, about 50 per cent of the Negro youth favor it.

Greenfeld said that the focal point of all the anger is relationships with police. Police Chief Paul J. Tidwell said he would withhold comment until he has discussed the report with Public Safety Commissioner Albert A. Poppiti. Poppiti declined comment.

"I cannot emphasize too strongly that Negro leadership at all levels needs the unstinting support of the non-Negro community," Greenfeld said.

The statement later was read to three of those who had attended the meeting and two considered it a fair statement of the sense of the meeting. A third, the Rev. Thomas Luce of West Presbyterian Church and president of the West Side Conservation Association, said that while he did not want to disagree with Greenfeld, "it (the situation) may not be as dangerous as it appears at first glance."

"There is a volatile situation here, but I don't think we should panic," Mr. Luce said. "I think there is a hazard, but a lot of things are going on which are constructive and creative. There is a larger group of leadership, young leadershipsome of it was represented at the meeting-which is being built here. I think there is hope."

Greenfeld said the meeting, which broke up shortly after 6 p.m., made 10 recommendations for the improvements of conditions and relationship.

He said he plans to meet Poppiti next week and does not want to release the recommendations until after that meeting.

Greenfeld said he also plans to meet with a youth organization tomorrow and with Negro state legislators, members of Wilmington City Council, civil rights leaders, and Negro educational and labor leaders Friday.

Yesterday's meeting was called after his office received a request from the U.S. attorney general's office for a report on the potential for racial violence in Wilmington, Greenfeld said.

Although reluctant to say anything now beyond the written statement, Greenfeld said he used the words "shocking, frightening and disheartening" at the beginning of the report because, "I had no idea of the extent of the militancy. All my contacts have been with the Negro leadership. I realize now that some of them have told me some of the same things, but I can only say I must have refused to believe it."

His statement avoided specifics, but, asked about a line in it which referred to riot squad tactics that "would eventually provoke a riot," Greenfeld said. "They claimed that when police come to make an arrest, three to five police cars arrive with sirens blaring, lights flashing."

Here is the entire statement:

"The meeting was shocking, frightening and disheartening. We have a cancer in our city. We must find a cure. All but one of the 17 street workers thought that Wilmington has the potential of having racial violence this summer.

"A few thought that if it did not come this year, it was inevitable, because of the growing militancy among young Negroes who feel they are gaining nothing. "Of a terrifying nature was the report from several sources that on three occasions young groups of Negroes who felt outraged by alleged police actions had decided to fight and do battle on Market Street. It was only the strong restraint of their own leaders which kept them back.

"While, generally, older members of the Negro community are absolutely against violence, about 50 per cent of the youth believe in it, and, indeed, be lieve it is the only way they will achieve the benefits of the society and their legal rights.

"Leaders have constant debates with young men, some militants have been discussing acts of terrorism.

"I cannot emphasize too strongly that Negro leadership at all levels needs the unstinting support of the non-Negro community.

"Some young militants have expressed a willingness to die in the streets to achieve full equality.

"The causes of unrest are poor housing, discrimination in employment and social rejection, but the focal point of all anger is relationships with the police. While all had the highest praise for the police commissioner and chief, all speakers told several stories of alleged discriminatory and provocative acts by police on the beat.

"The police were described as lacking in respect for the Negro in failing to treat him as a human being, and as being extraordinarily prejudiced.

"All the participants alleged that riot squad tactics by police would eventually provoke a riot.

"The group made 10 recommendations for the improvement of conditions and relationships. Next week I will meet with Commissioner Poppiti and give him a detailed report concerning the police. On Thursday I will meet with a Negro youth organization. On Friday I will meet with Negro community leaders."

In addition to Mr. Luce, those who attended the meeting were: James Baker. Community Services Council; James Bazzoli, West Side Conservation Association; George Brown, Inner-City Development Program of the Wilmington Catholic Diocese: Mrs. Helen Chambers, West Side Conservation Association; Mrs. Mary Crocker, Northeast Conservation Association; Roosevelt Franklin. South Price Run Center; Robert B. Haldeman, YMCA; William Hallman. Northeast Conservation Association; Anthony Lob, Volunteers in Service to America worker: Charles Miller, West Side youth leader; Raymond Reeves. social worker; William Young, Northeast Conservation Association; William H. Anderson, Kingswood Community Center; Lawrence Brown, Community Action of Greater Wilmington; Mrs. Fay Jones and Thomas Hudgins, both of United Neighbors for Progress.

Greenfeld said that 16 of the 17 at the meeting led him to draw his conclusions. Baker and Miller said the exception was a man who said he had not been in his area long enough to make any statements.

Mrs. HERLIHY. They said WYEAC could not get started because they were hung up on procedures; and these procedures meant Federal requirements in hiring persons of low income.

I was asked if some relaxation of this specific requirement could be made. My answer was that only Washington could do this. I was summarily excused from the meeting to call Washington. I made the call under constant surveillance and was in the hearing of one and sometimes two men who had followed me to the telephone.

I reported back to the meeting what Mrs. Louise Houghteling of the regional office of the OEO had told me; namely, that for the summer program certain rules had been relaxed: All persons in the target area could be considered eligible for employment, but priority must be given to persons of low income. Mrs. Houghteling mentioned two points which I reported almost verbatim.

1. If there were two applicants for the job, preference must be given to the person of low income, and