seminary faculties, under the leadership of the Board of Higher Education, need periodically to review how well they are accomplishing these goals. (c) Acceptance by church members of the concept of the inclusive ministry is imperative if the ideal is to become real. Toward this end the authors and editors of the Sunday school literature and the other teaching tools of the church, the editors of the church papers, the leadership training promoters, and the officers and program directors of the youth, women's and men's auxiliaries of the church, as well as all pastors, need to keep constantly in mind their role in providing facts, influencing attitudes, and shaping a philosophy of life. (d) The Board for Christian Social Action can serve the interests of the entire church by keeping currently informed on the major findings and significant literature in the broad area of race relations. It should channel to the programdeveloping boards those materials it believes pertinent to their work, from time to time prepare articles for the church papers, on request provide bibliographical aids to pastors, and as resources permit offer literature in the broad field of race relations. (e) In the matter of literature, the chief task at present appears not to be the preparation of new tracts and pamphlets, but rather selecting from among and making wider use of those already available. A second task is the analysis and synthesis of present materials and the dissemination of the findings through the columns of the church papers. In these tasks the Board for Christian Social Action should take the lead. (f) Hasty, or compulsive action, but also inaction, must be avoided. In any matter involving deeply felt emotions, even among sincere Christians, what is the soundest, most God-pleasing answer is not always immediately clear. Precipitate or ill-advised action-but also inaction-will weaken the ministry of the church. After prayerful and sober discussion of the situation in the light of men's understanding of God's Word, if need be extending over a period of months or perhaps even several years, the path to travel will become clear. Then action must follow, even at the possible, if unlikely, risk of losing a few unconvinced dissenters to some other congregation. In the Lutheran tradition it is the right of the individual to determine with which congregation he will become a member and through which he will receive the Means of Grace. (g) A congregation which willfully and persistently resists accepting into its membership individuals who in faith and life qualify for membership in a Lutheran congregation, or which stubbornly clings to patterns of segregation and discrimination based solely on man's feeling rather than God's Word, should be the object of the concern of the district president and executive committee of the district of which the congregation is a member. Reverend VAN DEUSEN. Study of these documents reveals that they are addressed to the church rather than to the State, and that they deal primarily with the church's responsibility to put its own Christian principles into practice. I would like to quote a few paragraphs, however, that have a bearing on the application of these principles to society as a whole. In the National Lutheran Council's "Christian Affirmation on Human Relations," the following appears as the concluding paragraph: We believe that Christians ought to exercise their social responsibility by acting in their own communities to remove whatever injustices exist and to insure for all persons, without discrimination, just and equal opportunities, especially in housing, employment, education, and access to social welfare services. In the "Statement on Human Relations" of the United Lutheran Church in America, the human rights and responsibilities for men of all races include the following: 1. To possess and to respect the life and dignity of the human person as a child of God for whom Christ died. 2. To worship God without human distinctions in the church, the body of Christ. 3. To develop his God-given talents through education and cultural pursuits in order to use these talents in answer to God's call. 4. To establish a home in living space and housing conducive to a wholesome family life. 5. To occupy the place in economic life for which he is individually fitted, being free to advance therein on the basis of character and ability. 6. To share the privileges and obligations of community life, having equal access to all public services, including those related to health, education, recreation, social welfare, and transportation, and receiving equal consideration from persons and institutions serving the public. 7. To exercise one's citizenship in elections and all the other processes of government, having freedom for inquiry, discussion, and peaceful assembly, and receiving police protection and equal consideration and justice in the courts. I have no comment on the specific bills under consideration, since the church groups which I represent have taken no action on individual bills. I am familiar with the content of some of them, and feel it is fair to say that the proposals which they contain are in general agreement with the principles stated above. The consensus of sentiment among Lutherans, as appraised by church leaders and expressed by formal action in conventions, is that the human and civil rights of people of all races should be protected by law. Senator ERVIN. Counsel, do you have any questions? Senator ERVIN. Dr. Van Deusen, I want to thank you for appearing before the committee and giving us this statement. I also would like to add that in my State we have very fine citizens who are members of the Lutheran Church, particularly in my area, a section which was settled in large part originally by Scotch-Irish and German people. In fact, in the county adjoining mine you have a college of which I have a very high opinion, Lenoir Rhyne College. The committee is very appreciative to you for coming before us. Reverend VAN DEUSEN. Thank you, Senator. I know a number of people from North Carolina, including Judy Ford, a schoolteacher, who is president of our national youth organization, the Luther League of America. Mr. SLAYMAN. Mr. Chairman, I do not see Mrs. Blanshard, executive director of the Unitarian Fellowship for Social Justice, in the room any longer, so I would suggest, since she has sent her statement to us here, that we put it in the record. Senator ERVIN. We will put Mrs. Blanshard's statement in the record, and if she should appear later when the committee is in session and ask to be heard orally, we will grant her that permission. Mr. SLAYMAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. (The statement referred to is as follows:) TESTIMONY OF MRS. PAUL BLANSHARD, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE UNITARIAN FELLOWSHIP FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE, BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS My name is Mrs. Paul Blanshard. I am the executive director of the Unitarian Fellowship for Social Justice. Our organization is the legislative and social action arm of the Unitarians. It is nationwide and includes 60 chapters from Boston to Hawaii-from Detroit to Georgia. The president is J. Ray Shute, former mayor of Monroe, N.C. Members of the legislative committee are Mrs. A. Powell Davies, Kenneth Birkhead, Mrs. Percival Brundage, Mrs. Paul Douglas, Ted F. Silvey, Mrs. Charles Tobey, Ross A. Weston, David C. Williams, Mrs. Richard L. Neuberger, and Ernest H. Sommerfield. I appear today for our organization in support of the Douglas-Javits-Celler bill, and to urge its favorable reporting by the committee to the Congress. It is reasonable to say that integration is proceeding in our public schools, but it is not fair to say that it is proceeding with "all deliberate speed." It is therefore of great urgency that the Congress pass this reasonable bill to aid the States and communities to have no second-class citizens in their midst. Second-class citizens are those who for any reason whatsoever are denied rights and privileges granted to other citizens. We cannot afford to have, in our democracy, a people divided against itself with privileged and underprivileged groups. The committee has been patient and sympathetic in listening to testimony. I do not wish to unduly tax that patience, so I will not go into the various sections of the bill nor will I analyze the other bills that are before the committee. The expert analysis of the bills has been most ably presented by organizations with which we associate ourselves in the Civil Rights Leadership Conference. At this time I do wish, however, to introduce a resolution on racial discrimination adopted at the 133d annual meeting of the American Unitarian Association. It is apparent from this resolution why Unitarian organizations and Unitarian ministers are devoting so much of their time to ending segregation. In the massive resistance campaign in Virginia there have been three outstanding Unicarian leaders-our minister in Norfolk who was president of the Save the Schools Committee; our minister in Richmond who is secretary of the Virginia State Save the Schools Committee, and our minister in Arlington is well known for his famous open letter to Governor Almond. Here follows the resolution: "Therefore be it resolved, That the American Unitarian Association urge all people of good will to work unremittingly in all phases of local, State, and national life toward: "1. Abolishing all official sanctions and practices which would require racial segregation in public schools, public transportation, public housing, and other publicly supported facilities; "2. Eliminating racial restrictions on membership in churches, professional organizations, labor unions, and similar semipublic bodies; "3. Eliminating racial discrimination in employment and housing; "4. Promoting mutual understanding between members of different races by all available means, including working together in organizations having members of different races; "5. Encouraging the spread of information about successful action to end or lessen racial discrimination and promote racial understanding; and be it further "Resolved, That we call upon our national officials and elected officers to exercise leadership and continuing responsibility for the protection of constitutional rights of all citizens." Mr. SLAYMAN. I have also, Mr. Chairman, a statement that would have been given by B. Tartt Bell, representing the Friends Committee on National Legislation, and a letter from the legislative secretary of the Friends Committee on National Legislation, Edward F. Snyder. He states : We regret that a longstanding engagement on April 10 prevents Tartt Bell from presenting this testimony in person to the Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights. Senator ERVIN. That statement will be placed in the record at this point. (The statement referred to is as follows:) FRIENDS COMMITTEE ON NATIONAL LEGISLATION, Senator THOMAS C. HENNINGS, JR., Chairman, Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights, DEAR SENATOR HENNINGS: I am enclosing a copy of testimony on pending civil rights legislation by B. Tartt Bell, representing the Friends Committee on National Legislation, which we hope will be made a part of the record of the hearings on this subject. We regret that a longstanding engagement on April 10 prevents Tartt Bell from presenting this testimony in person to the Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights. Sincerely yours, EDWARD F. SNYDER. STATEMENT BY B. TARTT BELL FOR THE FRIENDS COMMITTEE ON NATIONAL LEGISLATION REGARDING PENDING CIVIL RIGHTS LEGISLATION My name is B. Tartt Bell. I live in Guilford College, N.C. I appreciate the opportunity to make this statement as an advocate of civil rights legislation representing the Friends Committee on National Legislation, and as an interested individual southerner. I am an Alabamian and have spent the past 13 years working in the South in the field of human relations. I am a member of the New Garden Meeting of Friends at Guilford College, N.C., and am an elder in this meeting. During these years it has been my privilege to witness and to participate in some of the changing patterns of human relations in this region. Through work in social and religious agencies on local, State, and regional levels, I have observed the needs and the opportunities for extending our full American freedoms to all citizens in the Southeastern States. Though it has emerged out of the life of the Religious Society of Friends and remains close to this body, the Friends Committee on National Legislation does not presume to speak for all Friends in the United States. It is not related organically to the society but is an independent agency with its own governing board composed of Friends. It is a channel through which Quakers and many other persons from all sections of the country have expressed their interest in national legislation and in many governmental affairs, both domestic and foreign. IMPORTANCE OF ADEQUATE LEGISLATION We advocate the passage of civil rights legislation because we feel it is necessary for the Congress to provide a more adequate and a more uniform legal framework to extend the daily practice of American citizenship. We do not believe that legislation is in itself a panacea for the Nation's civil rights ills, but it is definitely one of the first requirements in the treatment. It is possible to change effectively by legislation the patterns of individual and group behavior. It is our belief that as patterns of behavior are changed, attitudes change with the new experience people are thus provided. All my life in the South I've heard the threat that blood would flow in the streets if transportation were desegregated. Yet, under the persistent influence of constitutional law, the old practices of segregated travel have been very substantially modified and there has been virtually no violence. What is happening is that law has made it possible for persons of the white majority and the Negro minority to function as individual citizens, not simply as representatives of a group. We feel this is where the emphasis should be placed since it maximizes personal responsibility and encourages people to measure each other in terms of personal character and ability rather than by harsh stereotypes of race or religion. 40361-59-pt. 1-28 As a southerner, I do not feel that the legislation under consideration by this committee, such as that proposed in the Douglas-Javits bill (S. 810) and the administration's bills, is punitive. While it is true that the South, because of the decades of legal restrictions imposed on a Negro minority, will be called on to make perhaps greater adjustments than other regions of the country, this legislation will affect all States and require changes in many places. I firmly believe we southerners can rise to this challenge. The South will ultimately be grateful that adequate national legislation has been used to help create a moral climate in which racial and religious discrimination is eliminated. EXTEND LIFE OF THE COMMISSION There continues to be a nationwide need for clearer understanding and more information in the field of civil rights. It is probable that this condition will last for a good many years. We, therefore, strongly endorse the proposal to continue the Civil Rights Commission as specified in S. 960. The life of the Commission should be extended considerably longer than 2 years. It has an important educational function to perform and can do much to lift up for public examination the State of the Nation in civil rights matters. We hope your committee will recommend strongly that the Commission be empowered with wide authority to initiate studies of matters it deems important in the civil rights field. The extension of the Civil Rights Commission should not, however, be taken as a substitute for the passage of effective civil rights legislation which can be expected to achieve tangible results in the foreseeable future. TENSION AND JUSTICE Intergroup tension and bitterness are an inevitable result of injustice. The danger of violence is real in situations where adequate legal avenue for correcting injustice are not available to persons who are aggrieved. We feel, therefore, that it is of paramount importance for this legislation to embody the necessary legal power to provide effective relief to victims of discrimination who are in position to secure justice for themselves only at the cost of considerable personal risk and sacrifice. For example, there are now in North Carolina numerous Negro families who do not seek reassignment of their children to schools in whose districts they reside, in spite of obvious inconveniences, because of fear of economic reprisals. AUTHORITY FOR INJUNCTION ACTIONS ESSENTIAL The various proposals for eliminating violations of civil rights by moral suasion, education, and constructive plans are important and must be developed. Valuable work has been done by the private human relations agencies in this field. Their efforts must be supplemented by similar operations of a vastly more resourceful Federal agency. However, we feel that there is no adequate substitute for authorizing the Attorney General of the United States to bring legal action against those persons, groups, and agencies denying equal protection of the laws to anyone because of race, color, or religion. In many instances it will be difficult to secure justice even when this authority is available to the Attorney General's office. But without the ultimate backing of this legal power we fear that entrenched practices of injustice can be continued far too long. The opposition experienced by the Civil Rights Commission in its investigation of violations of voting rights at Montgomery, Ala., demonstrates the validity of our contention that some legal power must be ultimately available to governmental agencies seeking to eradicate injustice. |