The Governor neglected to mention that while the State of South Carolina appropriates over $10 million for the higher education of white youth, it appropriates $1.152 million for Negro youth.

Senator HENNINGS. What was the figure as to the appropriation? I missed that.

Reverend NEWMAN. $1.152 million for Negro youth, higher education.

Senator HENNINGS. How much for the white?

Reverend NEWMAN. $10 million.

Senator HENNINGS. Ten to 1?

Reverend NEWMAN. Yes, sir.

Senator HENNINGS. Thank you.

Senator JOHNSTON. Do you have what the college population is, white and colored?

Reverend NEWMAN. We can submit that for the record, sir.

Senator JOHNSTON. I would like to have it, and even if you can get ahold of it, of whites that go to colleges outside of the State, both white and colored, that would be fair to both. Do you see the point? Senator HENNINGS. I think the Reverend can later supply those figures.

Reverend NEWMAN. We can.

Senator HENNINGS. Thank you.

Reverend NEWMAN. Negroes compose more than 40 percent of the population of South Carolina, yet only about 10 percent of the amount appropriated for higher learning goes to Negroes.

Let us look a bit further into the picture of the discrimination as practiced in South Carolina against Negroes in the realm of Statesupported educational programs. According to the report of the State superintendent of education, $353,599 was spent in white elementary schools while only $170,983 was spent in Negro schools for libraries, audiovisual aids, et cetera. There we would be prepared to submit to this committee for its record quite an exhaustible report on the inequalities existing in the educational programs of South Carolina. Senator HENNINGS. Without objection, the report as indicated may be submitted and made a part of the record of these proceedings. Reverend NEWMAN. Thank you, Senator.

Senator HENNINGS. Senator Carroll?

Senator CARROLL. Before we leave this question of higher education, may I ask if it is charged that the appropriation for Negro youth is inadequate to meet the demand for those who want a higher education?

Reverend NEWMAN. It most certainly is, sir. In so many instances, in order for Negro youth to study for the professions they desire or careers they desire to follow in life, it is necessary to go to other States in order to get the type of education they desire. It is not available at the Agricultural and Mechanical College at Orangeburg. Senator JOHNSTON. I believe you will also have to acknowledge that both white and colored, as far as the college facilities are concerned within the State have been turned down-the State institutions I am speaking of now, they have had to turn down a great many people, both white and colored each year, is that true?

Reverend NEWMAN. I don't know about the number of turned down from the whites, but there are students turned away practically every year at A. & M. College.

Senator JOHNSTON. And then our small medical college is about 1 man in 10 who makes application there gets in, isn't that true, our medical college cannot care for the wants of the State, isn't that true? Reverend NEWMAN. That is possible, but I don't know about that. Senator JOHNSTON. I know a great many are turned down. I wouldn't say exactly what percent, but there is a great percentage each year. They have to raise the qualifications, the standards of examinations in order to get in, to care for the most worthy students. I know; I have been Governor.

Senator HENNINGS. I think, Senator Johnston, that that unhappily is true throughout the length and breadth of the land, because we do not have enough medical schools to properly accommodate the many who seek a medical education.

Of course, there is another facet to it, in all fairness.

That is, many who think they want to be doctors do not demonstrate by their scholastic work during the period of premedical education that they are qualified or competent to pursue the professional course of medicine.

That applies to all races.

We know that medical schools reject many, many applicants. Authorities of the schools say they do this to give chances to those who have the greatest potentialities; to have smaller classes; to make better use of the laboratory facilities; and so on.

I think that is rather general.

In some cases it works a hardship as a general condition throughout the country.

Everybody who wants to be a doctor, or everybody who wants to be a lawyer, or indeed a minister of the Gospel, possibly shouldn't be.

It has been a custom and practice for these professional schools to do considerable screening so that only certain students are admitted. This probably is never completely fair or wise.

Screening is a common and prevalent condition. It exists in manyif not all-States of our Union.

Senator JOHNSTON. I want to say a word right there in regard to the colleges of my State. I want to speak a word for the denominations, Baptists, Methodists, Presbyterians, Lutherans, Episcopalians, all have their colleges dotted over my State. I have been, I am a Baptist but I went to a Methodist school. If we didn't have the denominational schools, that is colleges, we would have greater need for larger State universities and schools.

I want to give them credit for having done a very fine job in my State.

Senator CARROLL. Mr. Chairman, what I had in mind in asking this question, was the question of equal facilities and equal opportunity.

I understand that Negroes comprise_more than 40 percent of the population of South Carolina. What I had in mind regarding this appropriation of $10 million for white students as opposed to $1.152 million for Negroes is whether or not you felt, if they increased the appropriation, it would require more building. Are there more students desiring to go to college in South Carolina?

For example, in my own State of Colorado those desiring medical training to become a doctor must undergo a very severe screening. There is no segregation in my State, but it is very difficult to get into the schools. And the law schools, as the chairman has indicated, are are really doing more and more screening. I don't know how they determine these things, but it is supposed to be based upon the intelligence and capacity for study, the capacity for scholarship. These tests are given in Colorado. Some say that the legal trust or the medical trust are shutting them out. They say these professional blocs don't want the field to get overcrowded. The problem actually arises because our facilities are limited. There is no question about that.

I am speaking of the buildings, the classrooms, and the amount of land. I am also speaking of State institutions where they are educated.

This is the crux of my question: Do you feel there is a deliberate attempt to restrict the number of Negro youth who desire education by this limitation of $1 million?

Senator HENNINGS. May I undertake to make a partial suggestion before the reverend answers. There are other factors which might prevent a young man or woman from completing the high school course or completing a university course. I am thinking in terms of economic problems. I think it might be, as well as others.

I think it might be of interest, if we could get some figures, as Senator Johnston has suggested to me, get some figures on the number of children, if such are available, of both white and Negro races who have graduated from high school and matriculated to a university or college.

I don't think we should put the burden upon you, necessarily, to get those figures, but I think they might be helpful. Maybe you could get them.

Will you proceed? You will undertake to answer Senator Carroll's question.

Senator CARROLL. I think the chairman raises a very important factor. I can remember when I was going to the elementary school. In those days many of us had to leave the eight grade and go to work. We didn't go into high school. Now, more and more children are going into high school.

The question is, basically, How many of these folks, let's call them the average or low-income groups, are able to go into higher educa tion? Thus, the budget doesn't really reflect the true situation. This is why I ask, whether many Negro youths who desire higher education are being denied an opportunity. This is the real question.

Are Negro youth who desire, who are capable of higher education, being denied their privilege of higher education in the State institutions?

Senator HENNINGS. It would seem to me, too, Senator Carroll, that if we were to undertake to examine the extent encompassed in this question in toto, we might try to get some figures from States where there has been no attempt at segregation for many, many years-I think a State such as Ohio, or New York, and some of the other Northern and Western States, and see what those figures set forth. That would require some statistical work.

Senator JOHNSTON. I want to say Senator Carroll raised a very, very pertinent question, I think. It reminds me of my own life. I

left school myself when I was in the seventh grade because of financial conditions in my family. I was not able to go to any high school. And from the time I was 11 until I was 17, I was working 11 to 12 hours a day in a cotton mill, because of the economic conditions in my immediate family. At 17, you will find that I went to work in a mill, a place where they had a school, to work 1 week and go to school the next. That is the way I got my high school education, and then on to college. I entered college with $60 in my pocket, worked in the mills during the summer and played baseball. When I entered Wofford College I drove up in a one-horse wagon, sitting on my trunk. I know the conditions of poverty.

Well, now, some of the colored people are in the same condition I was in at that time, which prevents a great many of them from entering college.

So I think you raised a very pertinent question.

Senator CARROLL. The purpose of my question was-now that the standards of living have increased and economic conditions have bettered themselves to know whether there are Negro youths in South Carolina who want to better their education, who are being denied that right. The basic question is whether they are being denied their rights as a result of this low appropriation. This charge is implicit in your statement.

Reverend NEWMAN. I believe that this act of the General Assembly of South Carolina will answer that question. It is Act No. 712, which has previously been submitted to this committee by Senator Douglas. I should like to read the paragraph which perhaps gives answer to this question:

"Higher education," and I quote:

Higher education has likewise come under attack in South Carolina. In its General Appropriations Act of 1956 the State provided that all appropriations for colleges and institutions of higher learning were made on the basis of racial segregation. The colleges given State aid are to be closed upon any pupil being ordered admitted immediately to it by the order of any court. In such an event the South Carolina State College shall be closed also. South Carolina State College is the institution serving colored college students in the State of South Carolina.

May I also add, Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the committee, while it is understandable that a medical college or any other college should carefully screen its applicants with a view to getting the students who have the greatest potential, that is understandable, but it is not understandable to us why a Negro cannot even submit to the screening process at the medical college of South Carolina.

We have Negro youth who make the grade at the medical college of the University of Michigan, Boston University, Harvard University, Meharry Medical College, and in many other colleges in the West and in the Midwest and the Northeast, and if they are able to meet the screening tests away from home, we believe that they should at least be given a chance to submit to screening at home at a school that is supported by the taxpayers of the State of South Carolina, among whom are Negroes as well as whites.

Senator CARROLL. In other words, the screening should be based upon his IQ and not upon color.

Reverend NEWMAN. That is right.

Then, too, a more diversified type of education is offered to the white youth of South Carolina than to the Negro youth, as seen in the fact that while one school is being fostered and maintained for Negroes, there are five institutions of higher learning for the white youth of the State.

Let us look for a moment into the employment situation in South Carolina.

Senator JOHNSTON. You are from Spartanburg, and I am there. What do you think about the high school there for colored people? Don't you think we have a nice one?

Reverend NEWMAN. I don't know how it is as compared to the other schools there, Senator.

Senator JOHNSTON. But you have to acknowledge we have done a good job there in Spartanburg for high school for colored people, don't you?

Reverend NEWMAN. We might add this bit of light on this situation. The State of South Carolina adopted a sales tax program, 3 percent sales tax program, ostensibly for the purpose of equalizing schools. There are more new white schools being built today, this year, last year, the year before for white youth than for Negro youth.

Then there are many instances

Senator HENNINGS. Of course, Reverend, we know what the brick and mortar making a school building do not comprise the sum total of a school.

Reverend NEWMAN. That is correct, sir.

Senator HENNINGS. Quality and caliber of instructions are, to me, more important than beautiful and impressive buildings.

A great many people have been able to learn much better and become better students not only in the elementary and secondary grades, but in the more advanced grades of higher learning, because they have had the opportunity of being exposed to the inspiration and higher order of ability of fine teachers, instructors, and professors.

What is being done with respect to training teachers for both the elementary and secondary field of education, as well as higher knowledge and thereafter the professional schools in South Carolina today? Reverend NEWMAN. There is a widespread practice of racial discrimination in employment in South Carolina. The government of the State of South Carolina, through the enactment of section 1272 of its labor laws, has established a pattern of racial discrimination in employment. I would like to read this law:

Separation of employees of different races in cotton textile factories. It shall be unlawful for any person, firm or corporation engaged in the business of cotton textile manufacturing in this State to allow or permit operatives, help, and labor of different races to labor and work together within the same room, or to use the same doors of entrance and exit at the same time, or use and occupy the same pay ticket windows or doors for paying off its operatives and laborers at the same time, or to use the same stairways and windows at the same time, or to use at any time the same lavatories, toilets, drinking water buckets, pails, cups, dippers, or glasses: provided, equal accommodations shall be supplied and furnished to all persons employed by said person, firm or corporation engaged in the business of cotton textile manufacturing as aforesaid, without distinction to race, color, or previous conditions. Any firm, person, or corporation engaged in cotton textile manufacturing violating the provisions of this section shall be liable to a penalty of not over $100 for each and every offense, to be recovered in suit by any citizen of the county in which the offense is committed and to be paid to the school fund of the district in which