STATEMENT OF HON. WILLIAM J. B. DORN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF SOUTH CAROLINA

Mr. DORN. Thank you, Senator.

I want to assure the committee that I am going to take only a few moments, because I realize it is getting late. But I did want to appear here and register my protest against this iniquitous legislation. Let me say before I begin, Senator, my wife being a North Carolinian, we are very proud of the great record you are making over here for constitutional government, for freedom, and liberty for all the American people in every section of this country. I agree with the distinguished North Carolinian from your State who spoke here in Washington not long ago, Mr. Herbert Jones, when he said we are the true liberals, we believe in the liberties of our people; we have confidence in the individual citizens. We have confidence in the local communities, and in the States, and in the ability of the citizens, at the local and State levels, to govern themselves. I honestly do not believe, Senator, that some of the extreme liberals of today have any confidence in our people at the local and State levels to govern themselves. Therefore they advocate this type of fascism which is to concentrate more and more power in the hands of the Government here in Washington. This is a dangerous trend. It could well nullify all of the things that our men fought for during World War II. I happened to be one of that group. We thought we were fighting for our traditional heritages and principles here in America. Then to see them all destroyed at home by ever-increasing delegation of power and usurpation of power by the Federal Government is a very dangerous trend.

I speak here, Senator, as an American, not as a southerner or to represent any particular section of America. I am just deeply alarmed at the lack of confidence in these modern day Fascists here in America at the ability of people to govern themselves at the local level. These liberals do not show the proper respect for the rights of our States and local communities. If you will go back and study, you will see that this trend in America is almost identical to the one which resulted in the overthrow of the Weimar Republic in Germany. Adolf Hitler went out into the byways and grassroots and made speeches arousing the people and gradually as he grew in powerhis party was a minority party to begin with-but when he was made. Chancellor by Hindenburg, he went about a carefully conceived plan, first to discredit the Reichstag, the people's parliament. It was similar to the trend in America today to discredit Congress, which is very evident in nearly every paper we pick up. He discredited the Reichstag, burned the building, took over the powers of the German Congress, and made a rubber stamp of this great body elected by the people. Then he destroyed the states, and then he abrogated unto himself the power of the courts in Berlin, then he was able to persecute minority races.

I might say right there, Senator, that I cannot understand why minority races and minority creeds in America today are not opposing legislation such as the Javits bill and the Douglas bill.

Senator ERVIN. If I may interject myself at this point, that is what astounds me. Why minority groups think that they can with im

punity strike down basic safeguards in order to subject the majority to their will, and ignore the fact that the minority groups are the people who need most of all the safeguards of which they would rob others.

Mr. DORN. Exactly, Senator. I might add right there at that point, that the greatest safeguard that minority races and religious creeds have in America today is not the power of the Attorney General of the United States or the courts of the United States, but the 49 States and the constitutions of these sovereign 49 States. I could point to history today and prove that no minority race has ever been persecuted on a nationwide basis and that is the basis that they should fear most. They have never been persecuted on a nationwide basis in a country with State rights, and State constitutions where each State is respected by the other States and by the National Government. Only in countries such as Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, Communist Russia, Imperial Rome, only in nations where all the power was concentrated either in the hands of one man or a very few men, have we ever seen real nationwide liquidation or persecution of races, minority races, purely because of color; and only in those nations such as France under Louis XIV, XV, and XVI; Spain under Phillip, II; England under George, III do we find religious per

secution.

And right there, Senator, I can't understand for the life of me why some of our so-called religious leaders today are coming out for this legislation and endorsing the May 17 decision of the Supreme Court of the United States. If they knew what they were doing, Senator, I honestly believe they would be right here behind this table opposing this concentration of power in the hands of a few people, because history will prove that in no nation where they had state rights, 3,000 or more local county governments, and individual liberty, have we found religious persecution on a nationwide basis. Certainly not here in America. You might have it at the local level or in the minds of some individual, but never on a nationwide basis as long as we have this constitutional guarantee of State rights and free local government.

I might say, Senator, we are in a very critical hour here in our country, if those of us who, as you so ably put it a minute ago, believe in the rights of the people or believe in the abilities of the people at the local and State level of government, to govern themselves, if we don't make ourselves heard, I greatly fear for the future. I wouldn't dare come before this committee and ask for punitive legislation on the great State of New York or the great State of Massachusetts. I have every confidence that those people can handle their problems much better than I, and much better than the people of your great State or my State, and so therefore I wouldn't dare come here and advocate legislation that would be sectional. In other words, I just have confidence in those people at the local level and at the State level.

I might say this: It is also regrettable in these later days we do not have enough men to stand up on the floor of the House and the Senate as William E. Borah did in 1938. In his great speech he said that far be it from him to judge any section of this country. He quoted the Bible in numerous instances and said, "Judge not lest

you

yourself be judged." He joined with other great constitutional lawyers and defeated the so-called antilynch bill of that day and time. I think subsequent events have proven that he was correct and I am going to use his success in defeating the Federal antilynch bill as a rights fight today.

In 1889 lynching in America reached a peak. I think there were 84 people in America lynched that year in all sections of the country. I may be wrong, but approximately 84 or 100, somewhere along in that neighborhood. Every 10-year period subsequent to 1889 showed a decline in the number of annual lynchings in America. Well, here is the amazing part about it. During that period when lynching was on the increase, or at the top, there was little agitation for Federal antilynch legislation, but as the number of lynchings decreased rapidly and it looked like in the 1930's, Senator, that the South and the West and all the sections of the country would solve this problem at the local level, certain groups became desperate to get a Federal antilynch bill written. Ostensibly, the only reason I can think of is so they could claim political credit for the good work done by the people in the West, and in the South, and all sections of the country for a period of a hundred years.

We

Our people through their local government and State government became aware of this horrible crime and eliminated it once and for all. Today you hardly ever hear the word "lynch" mentioned. did have one here recently, but I understand this is the first one since 1955. In other words, this is not a national problem. It was solved because we had wise men in the House and in the Senate who left this problem to the States and the States solved it.

And I rather think that the one that we have had here lately, and here last year, the one in Chicago, and one in Boston, are a result of this agitation, this legislation, or the proposed legislation. And I believe it is the time for good thinking Americans to realize just as William E. Borah told the U.S. Senate in 1938 that the people of a certain section of this country are just as honest, just as patriotic, just as forthright, just as tolerant, as the people of other sections.

I might say this, Senator, in this connection right here, and this is a personal observation, that I don't think anyone can argue against: We have a lot of new industry moving into my Third South Carolina District, as you have in your great State of North Carolina. It has been my observation after 10 years in Congress, and I have known many of these industrialists personally, who come from that great section of the country, New England, New York, Illinois, and Michigan, after several years these people from other sections adhere more strictly to the heritages, traditions and principles of the socalled Southern people than we do ourselves.

Sometimes we native Southerners have to extend a restraining hand in race relations and in religious tolerance to our European friends who have come to this country in the last 15 to 20 years. I do not know of a single person in my district, born abroad, who is as tolerant on the question of race relations, religious beliefs, as the original Americans of my section of the district. And I know many GI's who married abroad during World War II, and I know, Senator, what I am talking about in this relation. Some of my people have had to restrain some of our European friends from southern Europe

particularly, regarding race relations, and I am proud that my people did enlighten these people and inform them that they should be tolerant and in America we don't want the kind of race relations existing in the Near and Far East and in Africa. Such things are alien and foreign to America, and I think we have done a good job, Senator, in educating many people who have come there as to proper conduct of local affairs, particularly racial tolerance, and religious tolerance, and things of that nature.

Senator, I feel very deeply about this for the reason you were discussing a moment ago, and the judge from Virginia. We need peace in this country today. We need understanding. We need to get along better more than ever before in the history of our country. We are threatened by a great force from without-Red communism. Now here is one of the most stupid things, Senator, about this proposed legislation. Every time I pick up a civil rights bill, I know it is true of the House bills and I assume it is true of the Javits and the Douglas bills, they mention world opinion.

In other words, they are not legislating for America, they are legislating to please people all over the world, and all Russia has to do, according to that fallacious theory of legislation, is to get up, have their agents in the United Nations, and in other countries all over the world to start criticizing the American Constitution.

Senator ERVIN. They say if you don't do like we think you ought to do, Russia might criticize us.

Mr. DORN. Exactly. Of course, Russia is behind that.

Senator ERVIN. And then they say if you don't do like we think you ought to do, we are going to lose the support of caste-ridden India.

Mr. DORN. Right, exactly.

I think that is the surest way for this country to destroy the liberties of our people, and eventually to become communistic is through this insidious Russian propaganda, and it has been my privilege to study somewhat of the brainwashing techniques used by the Communists in Korea. They are using it, Senator, today, on a nationwide basis. It worked in Korea in the majority of cases, according to the Defense Department records. These reports will prove that in a majority of cases where the GI's were not thoroughly indoctrinated in the principles of the U.S. Constitution, the men were brainwashed. I think today on a national scale the Russians are making an attempt to brainwash this country and make us adopt totalitarian methods through the back door. I must say it is succeeding.

It is alarming. On pages 4 and 5 of the committee report of the House 2 years ago when the civil rights bill was passed, it was right there, "because of world opinion," and it is mentioned twice in this other bill in the House this time on page 2, and I think over on page 4 or 5, they mention about "world opinion." Let me say this, Senator, if we are going to predicate legislation on that basis, then we better destroy the Constitution right now and we better abandon our churches because Russia is not going to be satisfied when we pass this bill. Eventually she will say we don't believe in God, and we want you to destroy religious freedom in America. I imagine there will be some Senator or some Member of the House who will come

along and introduce a bill saying, "Well, we have got to get along with Russia." This is a dangerous thing, and it has gone much further than the average American thinks or-I might say, Senator-than the average Member of Congress realizes. Hardly do I ever hear a speech on the floor on any subject when it concerns civil rights or the Supreme Court, or expenditures of money, but that they don't say, "Well, we have got to do this because of world opinion." Senator ERVIN. The most drastic of these bills would alter the legal system of the United States, which is the finest legal system that has ever been devised in this world. It is a legal system based upon the conviction that everybody should be able to look in a law book and determine what his rights are, and not have to depend upon the whim of an attorney general or any other bureaucrat for his rights. Yet we are told that if we do not impair this legal system, world opinion is going to be turned against us. That is simply absurd.

The very reason people came to this country was because they didn't like the way things were run in other parts of the world. But now, we are told that we must rob some Americans of such basic rights as trial by jury, and deprive the States of the power to act under the Constitution for fear that some unidentified people over in Europe or Asia or Africa or the islands of the sea may forsake us because of their dislike of the fundamental basis on which the American system of law and government rests. I think it is time for us to pay a little bit more attention to the dictates of commonsense and to the wishes of Americans who revere our constitutional and legal systems.

Mr. DORN. And here is a funny thing about it, Senator, we are not winning the respect of Russia or any other country of the world by changing our Constitution or by establishing a Supreme Court dictatorship in this country. We are not winning them at all. They don't respect us for that. What we need to do is legislate for the American people in the traditions and concepts of the Founding Fathers of this country, and then the world will respect America.

As far as race relations are concerned, I only wish that other countries of the world had handled their major race problems as well as the United States of America. Hitler solved his by liquidation. So did Mussolini, and so have the Russians. They liquidated the white Russians, the Ukranians, and this was largely based upon race. And they liquidated the Poles because they were afraid they might have the intelligence and the background to raise a revolution. So I say that our handling of this problem has been far superior. We need to be congratulated, Senator, instead of harassed and hounded. I say "we," I say all the American people who are tolerant and who believe in improving race relations and have contributed so much.

I also would like to point out some of my observations in some of the countries during the war of our great allies. They were more intolerant concerning race than we were. The same is true in South Africa and the Mideast. I remember being in Karachi a few years ago; the driver of my automobile said, "I am a Moslem." He said, "The Hindus burned my wife and my children last year before my eyes, made me look at them, because I was a Moslem." He said, “You probably don't know that, but there have been a million people killed here since World War II because of religious and racial differences."

I came on then to Beirut, Senator, and we had to circle an hour in the air because they wouldn't let the plane-this was in Saudi Ara