curred through depreciation; but on the frequent and satisfactory assurances of the contrary, those whose property had been contrary from experience, the best of all long vested in the funds, and others en- teachers; yet though such was his opinion, gaged in Chancery suits, suffered an in- he could not give that unqualified oppojury of prodigious extent. They found at sition to the Bill which might appear to the Bank that 10 per cent. was taken in be necessarily deducible from it. There the first place under the Income Tax, and was one provision of the Bill, which in the in the second, that the value of the re-existing situation of affairs, was absolutely mainder was diminished above 30 per The system was equally injurious to private annuitants, and unless so great and grieving an evil should be redressed by the application of salutary measures, and looked at steadily with the eye of a true statesman, the inconvenience would soon become not less obvious to the meanest capacity than it already was to those whose inquiries had rendered them more conversant with the subject. The present Bill appeared to him to resemble the folly of children, who imagined that they would remain concealed by placing their hands before their eyes: its object was to draw a veil between the country and its real situation. No doubt the genuine remedy must produce inconvenience, and, perhaps, in some degree distress; but these would be greatly augmented by suffering the distemper to continue until it should assume a yet more formidable aspect. He thanked the House for the indulgence he had experienced; the great importance of the subject and his own conviction of its nature and tendency had prompted him to state on what grounds he must protest against the Bill then under consideration. Mr. Alderman C. Smith admitted that the gold coin of the realm had disappeared; and he saw no reason why gold, as well as other articles, might not be made a source of traffic. In many instances it must necessarily be expected, such as when it was applied in the purchase of corn, or other commodities, on the continent. The high price of bullion was, in his opinion, wholly attributable to the balance of trade being against us; and until this could be remedied it was not to be expected that we should have an influx of that coin, of which the country now appeared to be almost totally drained. Rather than see two prices put upon the circulating medium, however, he would be satisfied to see the country without a single guinea. Sir F. Flood could not, by any means, agree to a Resolution which went to assert that a one pound note and a shilling were equal to a guinea. He had had very required to protect the poorer and feebler class of society from being visited by the oppression of the wealthy and more powerful-he meant that by which landlords were prevented from exacting from their tenants payment of their rents in gold. But here his approval must terminate. In the remaining provisions he could see nothing but a mass of mischievous absurdity. The very title of the Bill appeared to him a misnomer, it was called the Gold Coin Bill, when it would have been more appropriately entitled the No Coin Bill. He would state to the House a fact, which would serve as well as any that had hitherto been submitted to their attention, to prove the existence of two prices. Having had occasion to purchase a horse in his native country, he had visited a fair for the purpose, where having fixed on one in the possession of a country dealer, and asked his price, he was answered, thirtyeight guineas, upon which, pulling out a parcel of Bank-notes, amounting to that sum, from the one pocket, and a purse containing thirty-four guineas in gold, from the other, he asked the seller which he would have, when the man, without hesitation, made his election in favour of the specie, swearing by his soul, when he could get it, he would have nothing to do with a bit of a note. No doubt could exist but that a similar feeling pervaded all society; that there was no part of the country, where if a person were to send guineas to market, he would fail of getting such articles as he might wish to purchase cheaper than if he were to send paper to the same nominal amount. But besides the evil which must result from the existence of two prices, and which the Bill went to inflict on the community, it must also be considered as tending to effect the exclusion of specie from the country, and as holding forth an invitation to foreign agents to extract that portion which it might still haply be found to contain. Could any rational man for a moment doubt, that such must be its tendency, when the immense disparity of value between the metal and paper currency was considered? He had himself, on his way to the House, applied to a goldsmith in order to ascertain what that disparity was, and had been assured by him, that a guinea contained bullion which was worth twentyeight shillings, if bought with the reduced currency. Would it not be absurd, under these circumstances, to suppose that guineas would not be sold, or if it were unsafe to sell them, hoarded till an opportunity could be found of doing so? For his part, if he were to consult his own feelings on the subject (and he was perhaps as disinterested as his neighbours), he could not indulge in such an hypothesis. On these grounds, though as he had before stated, he approved of one provision of the Bill, yet, considered as a whole, he must enter his vehement protest against it. Mr. Preston was of opinion, that the evils which it was asserted would be the result of the Bill, were either fictitious, or easily obviated; and that under all circumstances, the necessity of the measure must be apparent to all who sufficiently reflected on it. Mr. Marryatt having on the first bringing forward of the present measure opposed it, could not now assent to it, as he meant to do, without explaining the grounds of his assent, and thus shielding himself from any imputation of a dereliction of principle. In many respects, the bodies politic and natural admitted of useful comparison, and if he might now be permitted to draw an illustration from it, he would say, that at the time he opposed the measures which he now approved, the state was in the situation of a patient, whom a singular operation would have restored to perfect and immediate health; it was now in the situation of one who had deferred such an operation till it could not be resorted to without incurring the risk of more serious evils, even of death itself. He would not take upon himself to say to what cause the evil was chiefly attributable, whether to the state of the currency; or to that of our foreign commercial rela. tions; but be that as it might, he was rejoiced that the subject had been brought before parliament. If no other good was to result from that circumstance, the public would derive no slight satisfaction from the declaration which had been made some nights since by the governor of the Bank of England, namely, that in the course of the last year, the Bank issues had undergone a diminution of two millions. And here he could not forbear pressing on the attention of the House, the decided and very laudable inclination which had been exhibited by the governor and directors of the Bank, to do every thing in their power to remedy the evil to which the country was exposed. But the reason which now chiefly induced him to rise was, a desire to suggest some change of our commercial intercourse with the countries subject to the enemy, such as might have the effect of obviating the necessity of having recourse in future to measures of a similar nature to that which was now under discussion. It had been, as was well known, for a long time, the object of Buonaparté to effect the reduction of our political power, by excluding our manufactures from the countries which had fallen beneath his rule, and thus cutting off a main source of our national wealth. How sanguine he had been in the prosecution of this plan, not to mention less prominent instances, might be collected from his late attemp against Russia, which was made avowedly with a view to the furtherance of his purpose, and that with an eagerness and precipitation which had put his crown and life in jeopardy. There was undoubtedly much reason to hope that he was on the eve of being overtaken by a just retribution, which, while it avenged the cause of an oppressed world, would obviate the neces sity of deliberating with respect to mea sures of future defence from injury; but we should not be too sanguine in our views of the present state of affairs, however in dulgent it might be to our hopes. It was but too probable that our enemy might escape, and even with diminished power retain sufficient to accomplish his great purpose of excluding us from all commer cial intercourse with the continent, at either extremity. This being the case, it might not be inexpedient to reflect a little on the progress of the measures intended to injure our commerce, as well as those by which they had been met on our part. The first to which the enemy had recourse were met by the Orders in Council, and the consequence of both was an almost total cessation of commercial intercourse; this state of things continued till the year 1809, when a quantity of goods were shipped in this country, and the efforts of the enemy to prevent the sale frustrated, and this was continued for some time, till by one grand stroke of policy, all hopes of future success were wrested from us, and for some time, our state was much the same as if our Orders in Council had been 305] Petition of Bristol Clergy against the Roman Catholics. Dec. 15, 1812. [306 extraordinary. Having, in the first instance, opposed the original resolution of the House on the ground that it would be as easy to controul the motion of the heavenly bodies by act of parliament, as to regulate the circulation of the country under the circumstances in which it was placed; having again resisted the Bill when introduced last year, he, now that ministers tried their hand at it again, de rigidly enforced. Buonaparte, then feeling that the people he governed suffered very much from the want of certain articles which it was in our power to withhold from them, agreed to take a certain quantity of goods upon condition that we should take in return commodities to the same amount. In this we acquiesced; but it would be easily perceived by those who would take the trouble of examining the nature of this traffic, that it was not con-clared, that he was their man, and gave ducted on any principle of reciprocity. While we received any thing wanted in this community, he made a strict selection of such articles of importation as he was in the greatest possible want of, such as dyed woods, indigo, and other materials, without which, certain manufactures must have been abandoned, of medicines, of leather, of bridles and saddles, and other equipments for his cavalry. How far such a trade as this could be beneficial to the country it was for ministers to decide. Mr. Whitbread observed, that the remarks of the hon. gentleman were most foreign to the question before the House. For his part he confessed himself wholly unable to discover their applicability: there might perhaps be a Ulysses or a Nestor present, who could. Possibly the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or the President of the Board of Trade, or the Vicepresident of the Board of Trade might be able to show it. He owned that he was not at all surprised to hear the hon. gentleman attribute the embarrassed state of our currency to Buonaparte. It was the hon. gentleman's usual practice to lay all our evils at Buonaparte's door. On him all were thrown. Perhaps, even, the absence of a noble lord (Castlereagh) might be owing to Buonaparte's having turned up somewhat nearer home than was expected. Mr. Bathurst intimated that his noble friend was indisposed. Mr. Whitbread expressed his regret at the circumstance; he had supposed it possible that Buonaparte's having been found at Berlin, might have occasioned the noble lord's absence; knowing, however, the elasticity of the noble lord's mind and body, he had no doubt that he would soon recover his wonted health.. With respect to the Bill before the House, the object of it was to prevent that which already existed-two prices. Every body knew that all the necessaries of life could be bought at a cheaper rate with gold than with paper. The conduct of the hon. gentleman who spoke last had been most (VOL. XXIV.) his support to this notable proposition. The House were placed in this situation: they first voted a resolution which they could not maintain; and they then attempted to bolster it up by a law which was effective only in preventing the natives of this country from purchasing gold, and in opening the market to foreigners. Nothing could be more absurd than the Bill which it was then proposed to read a third time, and he should give his heartý vote against it. A division ensued, Mr. PETITION FROM THE BRISTOL CLERGY AGAINST THE CATHOLIC CLAIMS.] Protheroe presented a Petition from the Clergy of the city and deanery of Bristol, setting forth, "That the petitioners are warm and sincere friends to religious toleration, and to the free exercise of religious worship by all who differ from the Church by law established, yet that they cannot but view, with deep concern and anxiety, the alarming extent of the claims so strongly and repeatedly urged by their Roman Catholic fellow subjects, not in behalf of liberty of conscience (for that they already enjoy in its utmost extent) but for the purpose of attaining political power; and that these claims, as the petitioners understand, directly extend to the removal of (x) all restrictions and disabilities whatever, on account of religious opinion, and to the unlimited right of admission not only to offices of the highest responsibility, but even into the legislature itself, under a monarchy and a constitution of which Protestantism has hitherto been, and, it is earnestly hoped, will never cease to be an essential and distinguishing character; and that, as the petitioners humbly apprehend, it is altogether impossible to admit Buch claims without destroying some of the strongest defences by which our civil and religious establishments have long been happily secured; and though many of the most enlightened advocates for these claims have always professed, and sincerely professed, a desire that other securities should be substituted in their place, yet, as far as the petitioners know or believe, not even the general nature of these new securities (much less their specific character and tendency) has ever yet been publicly explained, though such explanation, if truly convincing and satisfactory, would most powerfully have contributed to reconcile varieties of opinion, and to remove the apprehensions of danger which now justly prevail with respect to this momentous question; so that, even on this ground, without adverting to the great, and, as they think, insuperable difficulties inherent in the thing itself, the petitioners deem it not unreasonable to declare their full conviction that, if the above mentioned claims should be conceded, it would be utterly impracticable to provide new defences on which equal dependence could be placed for the lasting safety of the Protestant Government and Protestant Church, as they are now established in this United Kingdom; and that the petitioners rely, with perfect confidence, on the wisdom of parliament, but they feel it to be their duty, with the utmost deference, to submit to the House their deliberate opinion on a question, which they cannot possibly view as limited by mere political considerations, because they are well assured, that whatever may affect the safety of the Established Church, must materially affect also the interests of that pure and reformed religion, of which the Church is a faithful guardian and depositary; and praying, that the House will be pleased effectually to guard against the adoption of any measure tending to weaken or undermine the firm and tried bulwarks of that constitution in Church and State, under which, by the blessing of Divine Providence, this country has, since the æra of the Revolution, enjoyed a degree of freedom, peace, and happiness unknown to other nations, and unexampled in former ages." Ordered to lie upon the table. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Wednesday, December 16. They PETITION OF CAPTAIN INGLIS.] Sir F. Burdett said, he held in his hands a Petition from captain Inglis,_who_was to have gone out to survey Port Jackson. While his vessel was in the river, some of his crew, all of whom had protections, were attacked by a press-gang. resisted this press-gang, and beat them off, but he himself took no part in the resistance. A complaint was lodged at the Thames Police Office, to which he was brought. His treatment there was shocking and shameful. He was confined from four in the afternoon till eight in the evening, in a place which it was scarcely de cent to mention; and when he came from this place-a common privy-he was so overcome with the stench, that he was ready to faint. He was conveyed to Clerkenwell Prison, and obliged to share a bed with one of the felons, in irons. His affairs were much injured, if not ruined, by being detained till his trial should come on in March next. This gentleman was well known, during a long life, as possessed of a most respectable character. He was weil related, and had served first as a midshipman in the king's service, and afterwards in a high situation in a vessel belonging to the East India Company; and while he was in the Company's service, be had received a considerable reward from lord Minto, for having saved the lives of several persons wrecked on an unknown rock in the Bay of Bengal. He had references for character to admiral Hunter, lord Erskine, the hon. Henry Erskine, and several other respectable individuals. He hoped that the Admiralty would of themselves take this case into consideration, and prevent its coming before the House. On the suggestion of the Speaker, the Petition was withdrawn, for the purpose of endeavouring to state the circumstances of the case with greater brevity. LONDON BOOKSELLERS' PETITION, RESPECTING COPY-RIGHTS, &c.] Mr. Davies Giddy presented a Petition from the booksellers and publishers of London and Westminster, setting forth, " That, by an act of 8 Anne, for the encouragement of learning, by vesting the copies of printed books in the authors or purchaser of such copies during the time therein mentioned, it was enacted, amongst other things, that if any person should reprint any book without the consent of the proprietor, as therein mentioned, the offender should forfeit such book, and also one penny for every sheet found in his custody; but it was provided, that no one should be subject to such penalty unless the title to the copy of such book should be entered in the register book of the Company of Stationers; and it was further provided and enacted, that nine copies of each book, upon the best paper, that should be printed and published as aforesaid, or reprinted and published with additions, should, by the printer thereof, be delivered to the warehousekeeper of the said Company of Stationers before such publication made, for the use of the royal library, the libraries of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, the libraries of the four Universities in Scotland, the library of Sion College, in London, and the library belonging to the faculty of advocates in Edinburgh; and that, by an act of 41 Geo. 3, for the further encouragement of learning in the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, by securing the copies and copyright of printed books to the authors of such books, or their assigns, for the time therein mentioned, it was, amongst other things, enacted, that, in addition to the nine copies then required by law to be delivered to the warehouse-keeper of the said Company of Stationers, and each and every book which should be entered in the regular book of the said company, one other copy should be in like manner delivered for the use of the library of the college of the Holy Trinity in Dublin, and one other copy for the library of the society of the King's Inn, Dublin, of every book that should be thereafter printed and published, and entered in the said register book of the said company; and that it was the general persuasion of authors and booksellers, that, by the said act of queen Anne, copies of those books only were required to be delivered which the proprietors chose to enter at Stationers' Hall to entitle themselves to the protection of the said forfeiture of one penny a sheet of the pirated copies, and therefore, when by the increased expences of publication, the said forfeiture of one penny a sheet be came an inadequate protection, the practice of entering the books gradually lessened; and that the University of Cambridge, having lately contended that copies of all books, whether registered or not at Stationers' Hall, should be delivered, commenced an action against a printer of a recent publication for not delivering the several copies thereof, upon which case it has been determined that the said act of queen Anne enjoins the delivery of copies of all works printed and published, whether registered at Stationers' Hall or not; and that this determination will subject the petitioners to great expence, and operate very seriously to discourage literature; and that the best paper copies, at the period of the passing of the said act, were not similar to the expensive fine paper copies now printed, nor were any works of that costly description, which now issue from the British press, at that time known, many of those works are now printed by authors at their own expence, and many others upon their sharing the profits after the deduction of all expences; and the petitioners humbly submit that to enforce a delivery of eleven copies of all books will, in the cases in which, from the nature of the works, and limited sale, a small number only is printed, operate as a great discouragement to the undertaking of such works; and that, by the said act of queen Anne, the term of twenty-eight years' copyright is secured to the author, and his assigns, in case he should be alive at the end of the first fourteen years, but, in case he should then be dead, the copyright ceases at the end of the first fourteen years; and the petitioners humbly submit that this distinction is, in many cases, productive of great hardships to the families of authors, and is not founded upon just principles; and that the petitioners could state innumerable instances of works lately published and now publishing, to prove the heavy burthen which will be thrown upon authors and publishers, by enforcing. the delivery of the copies required on best paper; upon ten works published by one bookseller, the amount would be 5,6981.; upon twelve works published by another bookseller, the amount would be 2,9907.; and the petitioners need only add to this statement some single works on best paper, viz. Daniel's Oriental Scenery 2,310l.; Sibthorpe's Flora Greca 2,500l.; British Gallery of Engraving 1,0651.; Mr. Johnes's Froissart and Monstrelet Chronicles 1,100.; Dibdin's Typography |