oppreffion of the English government, and reftored it, by a commercial treaty, in fpite of France, and almoft in fpite of itself, to an amicable connection with the English nation, voluntarily retired from power, after giving the moft profound inftruction and advice respecting union, virtue, liberty, and happinefs: between all of which there was a close connection, with the moft ardent prayers for the profperity and peace of America. There is nothing in profane hiftory to which his parting address to the states can be compared. In our facred Scriptures alone we find a parallel in that recapitulation of divine inftructions and commands which the legiflator of the Jews made in the hearing of Ifrael, when they were about to pass the Jordan.* It * In his address to congrefs, on the seventh of December, 1796, having given an account of the situation of the United States, in relation to foreign powers, and strongly recommended the creation of a navy, he directs the attention of congrefs to the encou ragement of manufactures, agriculture, a national univerfity, and alfo a military academy. His fentiments, on thefe fubjects, are thofe of an enlightened and philofophical ftatefman. "I have heretofore proposed to the confideration of congrefs, the expediency of eftablishing a national univerfity, and alfo a military academy. The defirablenefs of both these inftitutions has fo conftantly increased with every new view I have taken of the fubject, that I cannot omit the opportunity of, once for all, recalling your attention to them. "The affembly to which I addrefs myfelf, is too enlightened not to be fully fenfible how much a flourishing state of the artsand fciences contributes to national profperity and reputation. True it is, that our country, much to its honour, contains many feminaries of learning, highly refpectable and useful; but, the funds, upon which they reft, are too narrow to command the ableft profeffors in the different departments of liberal knowledge, for the inftitution contemplated, though they would be excellent auxiliaries. "Among the motives to fuch an inftitution, the affimilation of the principles, opinions, and manners of our countrymen, by the common education of a portion of our youth, from every quarter, well deferves attention. The more homogeneous our citi zens can be made, in thefe particulars, the greater will be our profpect of a permanent union; and a primary object of all fuch a national inftitution, fhould be the education of our youth in the fcience of government. In a republic, what fpecies of knowledge can be equally important? and what duty more preffing on its legislature than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who are to be the future guardians of the liberties of the country? "The inftitution of a military academy, is alfo recommended by cogent reasons. However pacific measures may contribute to the general policy of a nation may be, it ought never to be without an adequate ftock of military knowledge, on emergencies. That firit would impair the energy of its character, and both would hazard its fafety or expofe it to greater evils when war could not be avoided: befides, that war might not often depend upon its own choice. "In proportion as the obfervance of pacific maxims might exempt a pation from the neceffity of practising the rules of the military art, thefe ought to be its care in preferving, and tranfmitting, by proper establishments, the knowledge of that art. Whatever argument may be drawn from particular examples, fuperficially viewed, a、 thorough examination of the fubject will evince, that the art demands much previous ftudy, and that the poffeffion of it, in its moft improved and perfect ftate, is always of great moment to the fecurity of a nation. This, therefore, ought to be a ferious care of every government; and, for this purpose, an academy, where a regular course of inftruction is given, is an obvious expedient, which different nations have fuccefsfully employed." General It has often happened, hay it the moft brilliant talents and vir has most frequently happened, that tues, in politicians and warriors, have General Washington, in September (1796), published a little piece, entitled “A Letter from General Washington, on his Refignation of the Office of President of the United States." This letter, written by the father and faviour of his country to his countrymen, on an occafion when his heart was warm, and open, and the tenor and grand object of his life in his full recollection, paints the man in jufter and livelier colours than any thing we can record. He begs the people of the United States to be affured, that his refolution to resign the prefidency had not been taken without a strict regard appertaining to the relations which bind a dutiful citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tender of fervice, which filence, in his fituation, might imply, he was influenced by no diminution of zeal for their future inters fts; no deficiency of gratitude for their past kindness; but was fupported by a full conviction, that the step was compatible with both. Having mentioned the motives that induced him to accept and continue in the high office, to which their fuffrages had twice called him, and those which had urged him to lay it down, he fays, "In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to fufpend the deep acknowledgement of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honcurs it has conferred upon me; ftill more, for the ftedfaft confidence with which it has fupported me; and for the opportunities I have then enjoyed, of manifefting my inviolable attachment, by fervices faithful and perfevering, though in ufefulncfs unequal to iny zeal. If benefits have refulted to our country from thefe fervices, let it always be semembered to your praife, and as an inftru&tive example in our annals, that under circumftances in which the paffions, agitated in every direction, liable to milead; amidst appearances, fometimes dubious; viciffitudes of fortune, often difcouraging; in fituations in which not unfrequently, want of fuccef. has countenanced the fpirit of criticifm, the conftancy of your fupport was the effentiat prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I fhall carry it with me to the grave, as a ftrong incitement to unceafing vows, that Heaven may continue to you the choiceft tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free conftitution, which is the work of your hands, may be facredly maintained; that its administration, in every department, may be ftamped with wifdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of thefe States, under the aufpicies of liberty, may be made complete by fo careful a prefervation and fo prudent a ufe of this bleffing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applaufe, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a ftranger to it. "Here, perhaps, i ought to ftop; but folicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehenfion of danger, natural to that folicitude, urge me, on an occafion like the prefent, to offer to your folemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, fome feutiments, which are the refult of much reflection of no inconfiderable obfervation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity, as a people. Thefe will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only fee in them the difinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can poffibly have no perfonal motives to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my fentiments on a former, and not diffimilar occafion." He recommends the love of liberty; the unity of government to which they were powerfully invited and urged by every inducement of fympathy and intereft; guards them against the caufes by which this union may be difturbed; all obftructions to the excution of the laws, all combinations and affiociations, under whatever plaufible character, with the real defign to direct, controul, and counteract, or awe regular deliberation and action of the conftituted authorities; the fpirit of party, and all encroachments of one department of government on another. Of all the difpofitions and habits which lead to political profperity, religion and morality are indifpenfible fupports. In vain would have been employed in perfonal the feet of their haughty fovereign. The moral philofopher exclaims, on a review on the great qualities of Julius Cæfar, 'Curse on his virtues! they've undone his country.' The great and good qualities of general Washington were difplayed in a great and good caufe: the would that man claim the tribute of patriotifm, who fhould labour to fubvert these great pi lars of human happiness, thefe firmeft props of the duties of men and citizers The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it fimply be afked, where is the fecurity for property, for reputation, for life, if the fenfe of religious obligation defert the oaths which are the inftruments of investigation in the courts of juftice? And let us with caution indulge the fuppofition, that national morality can fubfift without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education, on minds of a peculiar ftructure, reafon and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail, in exclufion of religious principles." The legiflator and patriot proceeded to warn his countrymen against inveterate antipathies against particular nations. On this subject he makes these remarkable obfervations, of which many will, no doubt, make, at the prefent moment, particular applica-, tions. "The nation, prompted by ill will and refentment, fometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the ft calculations of policy. The government fometimes participates in the national propenfity, and adopts, through paffion, what reafon would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation fubfervient to pro jects of hoftility, inftigated by pride, ambition, and other finifter and pernicious motives. The peace often, fometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nations, has been the victims." On this point, of an equal and just regard for all nations; and, on the other hand, on the infidious wiles of foreign influence, general Washington defcants at a greater length than on any of the other topics on which he touches; and, if poffibly, with greater earnestness. It is not difficult, from hence, to conjecture, what was at the time, the principle object of his folicitude-foreign influence, particularly that of the French republic. The world has had many political teftaments; fome real, fome counterfeit none that breathes fuch pure morality, fuch fublime and found policy, as the address and the example of general Washington. The style of his paternal letters and fpeeches, exhorting his countrymen to preferve union among themselves, and peace, good faith, and fincere good-will towards all nations, as well as the fentiments, fhining forth with mild radiance, not in fiery flame, were contrafted with certain paffionate perfuafives to war. How much to be preferred is found fenfe, fimplicity, and fincerity of intention, felf-command and moderation of temper, to the moft fhining talents and accomplishments without them! Yet, though we cannot rank general Washington in the firft clafs of literary geniu fes, he was not deficient, but greatly above par, in the most useful kinds of knowledge, and alfo in the art of writing. His thoughts are clearly arranged; he manages with great skill, the march of his hearer's or reader's fentiments and fpirits; his language is perfectly gramatical and pure, and altogether free from any provincial flang, and cockney or metropolitan barbarifms, which, uiuing from the house of commons and newspapers, has adulterated the English tongue, and threatens, in its progrefs, to render it to future ages unintelligible. A like obfervation may be extended to the writings of Dr. Frankland, Mr. Adams, and other American writers. caufe cause of his country, and of the human race. He puriued the nobleft ends by the nobleft means: the dignity and happiness of mankind, by fublime genius and heroic courage. The moft diftinguished characters, in many instances, have been found to have derived the enthufalm that prompted them to undertake and perfevere in the execution of great defigns from an admiration of other illuftrious characters, which inspired a defire of imitation. Achilles emulated Bacchus: Alexander, Achilles: Julius Cæfar, Alexander; and Frederick II. of Pruffia, with other heroes, Julius Cæfar. So too, Charles XII. of Sweden had Quintus Curtius, in his earliest youth, always in his hands, and had learned his ftories of Alexander by heart. In like manner Guftavus III. the late king of Sweden, was inflamed with a love of glory, by contemplating the actions of both his paternal and maternal ancestors; particularly of Gufta vus Vafa and Guftavus Adolphus, and of the renowned Pruffian monarch, who was his uncle. If general Washington was roufed to any grandeur of defign, or, in his public conduct, political and military, had any model of imitation, it feems to have been king William III. prince of Orange, and king of England. The ground on which we hazard this conjecture is, his admiration frequently expreffed of that great prince, both in his letters and in private converfation, compared with the tenor of his own actions. The caufes and circumtances in which they were both engaged were fimilar: their conduct alfo fimilar. The prince main tained the independence of his countrymen, in oppofition to the mighty power of France: the general maintained the independence of his countrymen, in oppofition to that of England: both were remarkable for coolness and caution; but remarkable alfo for firmness and intrepidity, under every circumftance of danger, and every critical moment of action. They never fhunned a decifive engagement from any other motive than that of prudence: nor were they wifer in coun cil than brave in the field; though their final fuccefs was more owing to judicious retreat, and renewed preparations for actions, than to daring impetuofity. The character given to the pretender, in 1745, and applied to general Washington in his familiar letters to general Mercer, may, with equal propriety, be applied both to king William and to himself. They were the most cautious men in the world, not to be cowards; and the braveft, not to be rafh. It may be added, that their fortitude, in the eye of true moral criticifm, fhone forth with greater fplendour, when veiled in the garb of caution, than when confeffed to the eyes of all, and covered with duft and blood in the field of battle. There is an active fortitude, and their is a paffive fortitude: the latter not certainly lefs, but in fome refpects fuperior to the former. In the conflict and agitation of danger, quickly to be over, or quickly to spend its utmoft fury, the mind of the patriot and hero is awakened by an excitement of his fpirits, and the attention and fympathy of all around him. In the calms of torpid filence, nay, and under the chilling blafts of reproach, whilst be ftill retains his unfhaken purpose, the eclat of his virtue is lefs, but the proof of its conftancy greater: greater in the the inverse ratio of the magnitude of the difficulties and dangers to be overcome, to the indifference with which they are regarded. It is the firmnefs of both the heroes that forms the fubject of this brief parallel, after their retreats under innumerable disadvantages and hardfhips, that, in the whole of their character, is the juft object of the greatest admiration. There was also a ftriking coin cidence, not only between the circumftances and fituation and the public conduct of thefe great men, political and military, but alfo, in fome points, between their natural tempers and difpofitions: particularly in an habitual taciturnity and referve. A degree of taciturnity is, indeed, infeparable from a mind intent on great and complicated dehigns. Minds deeply occupied in the contemplation of great ends, and the means neceflary for their accomplishment, have as little leifure as inclination either to entertain others with their converfation, or to be entertained by them. Moft great men, when profoundly engaged in important affairs, are remarkably filent. Buonaparte, though naturally affable, in the midft of thofe circumftances of unprecedented novelty, complication, and alarm, in which it has been his destiny to be placed, is, on the whole, referved and filent. Henry IV. of France, though naturally affable, humourous, and facetious, became thoughtful and filent, when he found himfelf involved in projects of great difficulty as well as importance. It is not by a multiplicity of words and common-place compliments that men attain an afcendency over the minds of other men; but by the weight of their character and the foundnefs of their judgement, which readily difcerns certain common interefts and paffions, that tend to unite men in common fympathies and common purfuits.. It was a common and ftriking trait in the characters of both king William II. and general Washington, that they both poffeffed the happy art of reconciling and uniting various difcordant parties in the profecution of common objects. But every parallel is foon terminated, by the wonderful diverfity which characterizes every individual of the human race. Washington had no favourites, but was warm in his affections to his own family and near relatives: William was not a little addicted to favouritifm; but cold and indifferent to the fincere attachment and devotion of his queen: a princefs, by whofe right he was raised to a throne, and a partner worthy any fovereign prince, for every accomplishment of mind and perfon. The calm, deliberate, and folid character of general Wathington did not exclude a turn to contrivance and invention. He was judicious, not dull; ingenious, not chimerical. In this refpect, his talents and turn, like his virtues, were carried to the line beyond which they would have ceafed to be talents and virtues, and no farther. He knew how to diftinguish difficulties from impoffibilities, and what was within the bounds of human power, in given fituations, from the extravagancies of a heated and bold imagination. He was neither terrified by danger, nor feduced by repofe, from embracing the proper moment for action. He was modeft, without diffidence; fenfible to the voice of fame, without vanity; independent and dignified, without |