ments, without moral and religious principle, will only enlarge the capacity of the possessor for mischief and misery; will make him more wretched, and render him more injurious to the character and happiness of all whom his influence can reach. Let moral and intellectual education, then, never be separated. If in any case the former must be limited, let the latter be limited with it. If the latter be granted upon a large and liberal scale, let the former come in for an equal share of interest and attention.

Hence I observe, secondly, that in every school and literary institution, from the highest to the lowest grade, provision should be made for moral and religious instruction. I know, it has been objected, that in these days of division and party-strife, such instruction is liable to degenerate into mere dogmatism on the one hand, and blind credulity on the other. Such a result ought certainly to be deprecated. Against the theory of education, calculated and designed to produce it, I have already entered my protest. And I now add, against everything which has the least tendency to such a result, let provision be carefully made.

The doctrine of the union of "Church and State, odious as it is, is not more odious, in my apprehension, than that which would unite literature and learning, in our schools, with any prescribed form of religion. I would as soon combine civil and ecclesiastical authority in what is called a religious establishment, as limit the advantages of learning and the privileges of literary institutions to sect and party. In both these cases, there should be no interference of the civil

power. The sooner the tendency to this sectarianism of schools in our country is checked the better. Recently it has become a common thing to establish sectarian schools and colleges, under sectarian names; and in

my apprehension, this has done more to degrade learning and excite a prejudice against moral and religious instruction, than everything else. It is time to withhold these exclusive and sectarian charters. Let no institution of learning be incorporated with exclusive privileges, and placed under the exclusive patronage and control of any particular sect or denomination of religionists. Let us have a republic of letters, of literary as well as civil institutions. Let the common school and the college, everywhere in our land, be open, and equally open, to all. There let all stand on equal ground; and be encouraged, with candor and reverence, to inquire after truth, free from all ecclesiastical restraint or embarrassment. Let all, who seriously worship God, be permitted to worship him in the place and in the manner, which best harmonizes with their views of truth and duty. Let there be no constraint placed on conscience; nor any violence offered to reason, or even to innocent prejudice. Let these precautions be taken, and these rules observed; and moral and religious instruction may be freely and fully imparted, without even the charge of sectarian influence; without complaint, except from those who are opposed to all moral and religious instruction; "who love darkness and rejoice in iniquity," who are enemies to virtue, to their country and its institutions, to mankind and their improvement, to God and his holy law.

A third obvious remark, suggested by the view we have taken of this subject is, that the Bible ought to be used in all our schools, from the highest to the lowest, either as a reading book or a classic; either to be studied in the original languages, or to be read and expounded in our vernacular tongue.

A fourth practical observation, equally obvious and

important is, that a good moral character and correct moral sentiments are indispensable qualifications in a teacher of children and youth; qualifications, for the want of which no intellectual qualities or literary and scientific attainments can atone. But time will not permit me to attempt an illustration of these and other practical remarks, which naturally flow from this copious subject. Besides, it is my intention, on the next occasion afforded me for addressing this assembly, to renew this general subject, and speak more particularly of intellectual education, and the best mode of conducting it in connection with the highest moral culture.

In the mean time, let parents, guardians, instructors, legislators, and all who have the care and supervision of the rising generation, as well as those who have finished their pupilage, and are educating themselves, consider the importance of this subject, in its bearing on individual character and happiness; and on the preservation of our civil institutions and the welfare of our country.

To parents, guardians and teachers I may say in conclusion, the consequences which will flow from the manner in which you regard and treat this subject, are of no ordinary character. The children and youth, whom you are educating, and over whose education you have an influence, are moral and immortal beings. They are forming characters for eternity. They are susceptible of happiness and misery, and their condition in time and in eternity will depend on the characters which they form.

You live, too, in a land of liberty, under free institutions; and the preservation of these institutions and the continuance of this liberty depend, under God, on the character of those into whose hands you are about to commit them. What is to be the future condition

of our beloved country? How are its free institutions to be preserved? Do you answer by intellectual education; by diffusing knowledge through all the ranks of society? This is unquestionably important; indispensable, as I hope to be able to show hereafter, to the preservation of civil liberty and the security of social order. But will this alone accomplish the object; is this the grand, conservative principle of our government? Of what avail is knowledge without virtue, intelligence without moral principle, the education of the head without connecting with it the education of the heart?

Should a system of education prevail in our country, leaving out the influence of the Bible, discarding moral and religious instruction, our free institutions would soon be swept away, and the country itself would be brought under the desolating scourge of anarchy, or the iron hand of despotism. I dare not indulge the thought of such an event, even in imagination. I dare not look forward upon a scene so dark and dismal. I dare not contemplate in prospect the recurrence of a French revolution on American ground. I dare not anticipate the time, when Romanism, infidelity, licentiousness and violence, with giant-strides, may traverse our country in all its length and breadth; deluging it in blood, and sweeping it with the besom of destruction. I would rather turn from this dark side of the picture, and, though it may prove but an optical illusion, view a brighter scene. I would rather indulge the hope, that some mighty, moral influence, under the fostering hand of education, and through the kind interposition of Providence, may come in and stay our downward course, sustain our tottering institutions and save our country.

LECTURE XXII.

INTELLECTUAL EDUCATION.*

PROVERBS VIII. 10.

RECEIVE MY INSTRUCTION, AND NOT SILVER; AND KNOWLEDGE, RATHER THAN CHOICE GOLD.

MEN are so constituted, that one period of their existence has a direct bearing on their character and condition, in that which is to succeed; and furnishes opportunity, to prepare for its duties and enjoyments. Thus the instruction, and experience of childhood and youth tend to prepare the young for the pursuits of manhood. Thus too, the varied employments of mortal life, and the discipline to which men are here subjected by Divine Providence, may be considered as means of preparation for a future state, constituting their education for eternity.

Education, therefore, has with great propriety been described as "a system of means to develop the powers and form the character of the pupil," for the condition and employment in life, for which his natural powers are adapted. Education, according to this view of it, includes all the means used and expedients adopted, to awaken his dormant sensibilities, to strengthen his various capacities, both physical and

* This discourse was prepared and delivered at Washington, in connection with the preceding lecture. The substance of it, however, was subsequently delivered at Providence before" the American Institute of Education."