tial to bear in mind the occurrences | But, nevertheless, all this time Her Mawhich have recently taken place in jesty's Government were keeping a watchEurope as well as in Asia. ful eye upon the interests of this country. They were only waiting until the time arrived to intervene, and when it did arrive they interfered with so much effect that the Treaty of San Stefano, which completely abrogated Turkish power in Europe, was submitted to the assembled Powers of Europe at the Congress of Berlin, and the result was the conclusion of the Treaty of Berlin. By that Treaty, Turkey was re-established as an European Power; and I think it will be a source of immense gratification to everyone in this country to hear the announcement which Her Majesty has made in Her most gracious Speech, that she has every reason to believe that this Treaty will be faithfully carried out.

I think it will be conceded on all sides that the task which Her Majesty's Government have had before them in carrying out the foreign policy of the country has been lately one of unexampled difficulty and danger; and that they have carried that policy out with honour to themselves and satisfaction to the country, I think has been sufficiently proved by the reception which the First Minister of the Crown and the Foreign Secretary received on their return from the Berlin Congress, and also by the overwhelming majority with which the other House of Parliament pronounced a decision in their favour. My Lords, the difficulties which they have had to encounter have proceeded, in a great measure, from the aggressive policy which has been pursued by Russia, and by the threatening attitude which that country has on more than one occasion assumed towards England, and also from the pledges and assurances which have been given by her, and which, like the proverbial pie-crust, seem to have been made only to be broken. My Lords, the astounding revelations of diplomatic unscrupulousness and intrigue which are contained in the volume which has just been issued upon affairs in Central Asia have shown that Her Majesty's Government have not without sufficient cause pursued the course they have done with regard to Afghanistan. But, my Lords, the difficulties which they have had to encounter have not only proceeded from without. They have also, in great measure, proceeded from within. I allude especially to the agitation which took place in this country before and during the late war. I think it cannot be doubted that those agitations had a most injurious effect, and that they made it exceedingly difficult for Her Majesty's Government to act with that decision and promptitude which they otherwise would have used. My Lords, these internal difficulties and agitations undoubtedly had a most injurious effect during the late war. They produced an effect upon Russia which made her imagine that she had nothing to do but to go on with her conquests, without taking into consideration the possibility of England's interference, and led her to pursue her victorious course up to the very walls of Constantinople.

My Lords, while these affairs were going on in Europe, Russia was not idle in Asia. She had for years been pursuing a policy of interference, pressing on her arms in every quarter, and annexing first one country and then another; and, my Lords, at the very time that the Treaty of Berlin was signed she was intriguing with the Ameer of Afghanistan, in order that she might, in the event of war breaking out between her and England, send an army into his dominions for the purpose of making a descent on India. I would recommend those who read the Papers upon the Afghan Question to judge of the intentions of Russia. But, my Lords, I must draw your attention to one special incident recorded in the Central Asian Papers. I allude to the publication of the letters from General Kaufmann to the Ameer. The publication of those letters, following as they did the categorical denial of their existence, given first by Prince Gortchakoff, and subsequently by General Kaufmann himself, form a curious and interesting commentary on the repeated assurances given by Russian statesmen, and even by the Emperor himself, that Afghanistan lay outside the sphere of Russian action.

My Lords, I shall endeavour, as shortly and as briefly as I can, to touch on the subject of Afghanistan. It has been so fully dealt with by my noble Friend that I shall not attempt to go over the ground again; but, in the first place, I wish to say, that after carefully perusing the Papers which have been placed in our hands, it appears to me that the

Gracious Speech. despatch of the Secretary of State for | between the Viceroy and Shere Ali's India is most fully justified upon ex- Envoy at Simla the same difficulty amination of those Papers. It ap- arose. The Viceroy was not able, pears to me that no inference is drawn on account of the orders which he in that despatch which is not borne out had received from England, to give by the Papers. The whole matter may, Shere Ali those assurances which he I think, be stated in two simple ques- sought. This was the state of affairs tions-first of all, have we been fair in when the present Government came into our dealings with the Ameer through- Office; and the first thing which Lord out? and, secondly, are we justified now Salisbury did was to write to Lord Northin declaring war against him? I think brook, the then Viceroy, stating what the first question must be answered in the scanty information was being received negative, and the last in the affirmative. from Afghanistan, and suggesting that It appears to me that if instead of a British Agent should be established at pursuing that course of masterly in- Herat and Candahar. Now, my Lords, activity and timidity which marked our it will probably be in your recollection dealings with Afghanistan in the early that Shere Ali had assented to this propart of the Ameer's reign, we had come position before; but what was the answer boldly forward and told him that we which the Viceroy sent? He sent an would recognize him as the de jure as answer saying that he and his Council well as the de facto Ruler of Afghanistan, considered that the policy which had and if, guarding ourselves against in- been previously pursued was much terfering in his domestic affairs, we better than that suggested by the Secrehad promised to assist him in defend- tary of State. A short time after that ing himself against foreign enemies, the Secretary of State again writes, he would still have been our staunch saying that if it was injudicious to send ally. But it is remarkable fact a British Agent, he suggested, under the that Lord Mayo appears to have been circumstances, that the best thing to do the only Viceroy who really inspired was to send a British Mission. This, confidence in Shere Ali. He certainly again, was declined by the Indian established an immense influence over Government; and it was not until Lord him, and especially at the time of the Lytton came into office that a real Umballa Conference. But it is also re- attempt was made to establish a British markable that after the Umballa Con- Mission, and to find out whether Shere ference a letter was written by the then Ali was willing to give the necessary Secretary of State for India (the Duke consent. And, my Lords, Lord Lytton, of Argyll) to Lord Mayo, disapprov- when he went out, was instructed to ing in a certain measure of what he had offer the assistance which Shere Ali done there. My Lords, the fact is that had before appealed for in vain. But we have always been unwilling to take it was too late. The mischief had any risk upon ourselves. We have been done, and it was impossible to asked from the Ameer everything, and undo it. Things remained in this way on our part we have been unwilling to until July and August of this very grant anything in return. But the year, when a notice came to say same error appears on our part in our that a Russian Mission was at that dealings with the Ameer in 1873. That moment in Cabul; and the Viceroy teleyear was a very remarkable one, though graphed home to know whether the I will not dwell on it on account of my matter was to be treated as an Imperial noble Friend having so fully called at- question, or one which concerned the tention to it; but I may say that there is Indian Government. Having been told no doubt that that year was the turning that it was to be dealt with in the latter point in our negotiations with Shere capacity, he informed the Ameer that a Ali. He had become alarmed at the British Mission would be sent immedirapid advance of Russia in Central Asia, ately to Cabul, and with what result and at the taking of Khiva, and ap- is well known to your Lordships. It pealed to us for more explicit assurances was impossible for the Government to of our protection; but the Viceroy, Lord put up with such an open insult; and I Northbrook, was not authorised by the have no hesitation in saying Her MaHome Government to give these pro-jesty's Government had no other course mises. Again, after the Conference open to them than that which they

have taken. There may be people who | faces, as the case may be. The noble will say "Perish India," and would Earl who moved the Address appeared rather sacrifice their own country than to me to hit a very serious blot, which sacrifice their particular views as to our had struck me on reading the Queen's relations with the Ameer; but I believe Speech. We all know the warm and the people who are of that way of active sympathy which Her Majesty thinking are very few and I am sure evinces when any calamity happens to that your Lordships and the bulk of the any class, or even to individuals, among people of England will tolerate no inter- her subjects; and I do think it is someference with our Empire, but will what strange that Her Majesty's Misacrifice blood and treasure to maintain nisters should entirely omit to insert a it, and will be prepared to say "Eng-single word of sympathy on the part of land's friends are our friends, and England's enemies are our enemies." I beg to second the Address. [See p. 17.]

it follows a policy that may be wise- no acquisition; and the late Foreign may be popular-it does not contribute Secretary (the Earl of Derby) said that to bring about the sort of confidence which the strength of this country consisted is essential to the prosperity of trade and in this-that we feared nobody and manufactures. I do not complain of wanted nothing. It appeared to me to the Speech being short; but there are be a proud and true assertion. I am some very singular omissions to which I afraid that these former truths can must allude. While a most serious war hardly now be maintained. I rather is raging in our dominion of South gather that the acquisition of Cyprus, Africa, and we are despatching troops even apart from the mode in which it thither, it does seem to me that in a was made, is not now considered of such communication from Her Majesty to high value by those who made it as it Her Parliament there should be some was at first. I judge this from the reference to the state of affairs in that different manner in which they defend important Colony. There is, indeed, an it. One Minister states that it is to be allusion to the Treaty of Berlin-a very considered a model school of good gosatisfactory allusion it is; and I am vernment for the Turks. I very much ready to admit with great pleasure doubt whether many Pashas will be that if Her Majesty's Government, in sent to Cyprus to study our administraconcert with the other European Powers, tion more than they have been sent to have, by judicious diplomatic measures, Malta, to England, or to the Ionian contributed in any degree to induce Islands. The Prime Minister has Russia and Turkey to execute all their spoken of Cyprus as "a place of arms;" engagements under that Treaty, not but before it becomes so I am afraid excluding any, they will have done a many improvements will have to be very great and important work. I am carried out and much expense incurred. very glad, indeed, Her Majesty's Go- It is, indeed, a little out of the way; but vernment are able to inform us that by the time it is fortified, harbours prothey think those two countries will vided, and the pestilential climate renexecute the Treaty, and that it will work dered salubrious, I trust it may turn out to satisfactorily, though of this I require be of some use. But then it seems there is more information to be convinced. But some further consolation in store for us. there is another matter which affects A right rev. Prelate (the Bishop of Glouthis country much more vitally than the cester) has spoken of our possession of Treaty of Berlin, and that is the Anglo- Cyprus as a providential dispensation Turkish Convention; we are not quite that would promote the spread of the sure how that is being carried out. Christian religion. Nobody would be That came upon us all with a surprise. more delighted than I should be if such As the result of that Convention we an object could be attained; but I confound ourselves in possession of Cyprus, fess I do not quite understand how that and loaded with immense responsi- brilliant and gallant soldier Sir Garnet bilities-the government of Asia Minor Wolseley, administering Mahommedan and the Protectorate of Turkey. My law in that Island, will promote in any Lords, we who dared last year to criti- very sensible degree the advancement of cize the value of Cyprus were stigma- the Christian religion. I hope the Gotized as unpatriotic. I admit that many vernment will succeed in their endeavours people thought that it was a great to introduce better government into Asia success at the moment and for a par- Minor; but I am disappointed that they ticular purpose. I am told-though I did not think it worth while to mention do not know whether it is true-that a the subject in the Royal Speech. great Continental statesman, who has constantly recommended annexation to this country, when he heard of it said"It will succeed; it will be popular in England; they will call it progress, but it is acquisition." My Lords, we have heard a great deal of Russian aggression of late; but I find in these Papers a Governor General declaring of India that we fear no aggression and desire

I now, my Lords, come to the subject to which both the noble Earl and the noble Lord so properly devoted their attention. No doubt your Lordships have a perfectly Constitutional right to move an Amendment to the Address in answer to the Speech from the Throne; but, my Lords, it is a right which for the last 20 years has not been exercised. It is a right the exercise of which states