assurance which was unconditional, ex- unhappy business of receiving the Ruscept for this one stipulation-that if we sian Mission. When hon. Gentlemen undertook responsibility in the matter opposite said that we had gone to we must have an Agent on the Frontier war with the Ameer because he reto prevent Shere Ali from embroiling ceived the Russian Mission, they totally us in war, as without it he could have and entirely mistook the cause of the done at any moment he liked. The war, which was not because he received main reason for making our assurance the Russian Mission, but because he by unconditional and definite was the evi- force refused to receive ours. For years dence, of which the Indian Government past the Ameer had said that he would were possessed, that Lord Northbrook's not receive any English Mission, as proposal in 1872 being conditional had he could not be responsible for their caused great displeasure to the Envoy lives; and that if he received English from the Ameer. In 1873, when the officers he must also receive Russian Ameer's Envoy came to Simla and asked officers. At a moment when our relaLord Northbrook to give him an English tions were most strained with Russia guarantee, that noble Lord, in reply, he ostentatiously received a Russian gave him a Russian assurance to the Mission at Cabul, thus plainly showing effect that General Kaufmann's inten- that his previous reason against receivtions were perfectly friendly. He ing English officers was a mere pretext. scarcely liked to refer to the sarcastic It must be remembered that the Ameer observations of the Envoy on the sub- of Cabul was not the only Asiatic Prince ject of the introduction of the name of with whom we had to deal. There were Russia into the negotiations. He said- a great number of Princes under our "As regards the name of Russia, which I protection who possessed far greater mentioned in connection with aggression, it was wealth and power than he did, and who owing to an observation made by Lord North- were besides far superior to him in culbrook in the interview of the 12th of July, who ture and intelligence. They would never said, 'It is necessary that the Ameer should be informed that, since the country of Afghan- be allowed, and they had never attempted, istan is a 'buffer' between the territories of the to treat the English Government in the English and Russian Governments, it is there- way that the Ameer had. But because fore advantageous for Hindustan that Afa man was a barbarian he could not ghanistan should be strong and independent.' be allowed to set us at defiance. They Therefore, since he called Afghanistan the buffer against Russia, does this, or not, prove the were watching our conduct in this mataggression of Russia ? Ultimately the Viceroy ter; and, in all probability, if we were to a friendly Government act without firmness in his case some can become an aggressor. But the English of the Indian Princes would be adoptGovernment, considering the repeated certain assurances which they have received from the ing the tactics of the Ameer. He trusted Russian Government, cannot entertain any that he had shown that the action the likelihood of it.' After hearing this, I re- Government had taken did not in any mained silent, because I thought that unity way deserve the language which had and friendship between Governments is a mat- been applied to it; and he hoped that ter of the greatest importance."—[Ibid. p. 205.] he had also shown that a very conHe did not know how the English Go- siderable number of the charges which vernment, with the knowledge it pos- had been brought against the Governsessed that Russia did not care for its ment were mere fictions. There was own assurances, could expect Afghan- another question which had been raised. istan, which was most liable to attacks It was said that if we went to war with from Russia, to place implicit confidence anyone we ought to have gone to war in its assurances. He thought that he with Russia. But the main object and had shown that the situation which ex-policy of the British Government as reisted when he came into office was one with which it was absolutely necessary for them to deal. His firm belief was that if right hon. Gentlemen opposite had been in Office, and had known the facts, they would have taken the same course. Unfortunately, the Ameer did not trust the sincerity of the British Government; from first to last he had played with them. Then came this observed that even garded the North-Western Frontier of India was to have upon it not only a friendly, but also an independent Power. If they had had a war with Russia because it had sent a Mission to Cabul, they would at once have made Russia responsible for the conduct of the Ameer, and, by making her responsible, have placed Afghanistan under Russian tutelage. We should then have which, on almost every conceivable subject, he had written, he was sure that the almost universal verdict would be that under the genius of the poet there lay the true instincts of the statesman. He was very much obliged to the House for the attention with which it had listened to him while he had thought it his duty, at very great length, to endeavour to lay before the House what the course of events had been. He would not attempt to anticipate what the decision of the House would be. If adverse to Her Majesty's Government, they would once more resume their place as an united Opposition; but if, on the other hand, the verdict was in their favour, by a majority much in excess of that which they generally obtained from their supporters, he thought they might fairly take that majority as a censure upon the peculiar tactics of the past two yearstactics which, while they had elevated and popularized the Government they were intended to degrade and destroy had, on the other hand, systematically endangered those great national interests, to promote and protect which should be the common object of all. had to fight Afghanistan, plus Russia; to its natural end, and it was possible and the object of the war being to impartially to consider his conduct, and, maintain the independence of Afghan- to study the numerous State Papers istan, we should, at the outset, have destroyed it. If we were successful in the war having destroyed the independence of Afghanistan, we should have been compelled to annex it, a consummation all wished to avert. He could not conceive any single object which would have been gained by going to war with Russia. Had a little more care and attention been exercised some years ago, it was his firm opinion that the necessity for war at the present time would have been avoided. If, on the other hand, finding matters as they were, the British Government had allowed the Ameer to set it at defiance, and had not insisted upon the reception of its Mission, war would only have been postponed for a time, and would have inevitably broken out at a later period; perhaps under more disadvantageous circumstances. Before he sat down, he wished to say a word concerning the Viceroy of India, who, he thought, had not been very fairly treated in the course of that debate. It had never been the fashion before to distinguish between the Viceroy and theGovernment under which he served, and to hold him up to opprobrium and ridicule on questions of veracity. And if any man might have expected exceptionally considerate treatment, surely that was Lord Lytton. He was not, it should be borne in mind, a Member of one of the great political Parties, like Lord Northbrook or Lord Mayo, with many great and powerful friends in the Legislature. He had served for many years with distinction in the Diplomatic Service, and it was known that he, with great reluctance, accepted the office of Viceroy of India. From the moment he arrived until the present day, he had had to deal with a succession of the greatest difficulties. He had had to contend with famine, financial and currency difficulties, great administrative changes, and the anxiety any Viceroy must always feel when there was a great upheaval in the social and political affairs of the Eastern world. Throughout all this Lord Lytton had SALE OF FOOD AND DRUGS shown the greatest courage and ability. It must be admitted that he had not been always understood; but there never was an abler, more courageous, and, he might say, more industrious Viceroy. And when Lord Lytton's tenure of office came Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Debate be now adjourned." -(Mr. Grant Duff.) Motion agreed to. Debate further adjourned till Thursday. SELECT VESTRIES BILL. On Motion of Mr. JAMES, Bill to amend the Law relating to the nomination of Overseers by Select Vestries by custom or usage, ordered to be brought in by Mr. JAMES, Mr. HERSCHELL, and Mr. JOSEPH COWEN. Bill presented, and read the first time. [Bill 54.] PATENTS FOR INVENTIONS BILL. the Patents for Inventions Laws, ordered to bo brought in by Mr. ANDERSON, Mr. MUNDELLA, Mr. DALRYMPLE, and Mr. ALEXANDER BROWN. Bill presented, and read the first time. [Bill 55.] On Motion of Mr. ANDERSON, Bill to amend AMENDMENT BILL. ACT (1875) On Motion of Mr. ANDERSON, Bill to amend "The Sale of Food and Drugs Act, 1875," ordered to be brought in by Mr. ANDERSON, Mr. P. A. TAYLOR, and Mr. WHITWELL. Bill presented, and read the first time. [Bill 56.] fever, small-pox, and cholera. Those were the diseases which we had most to dread, and which required to be treated promptly in order to prevent them spreading, especially in large towns. Taking the case of scarlet fever, it was known that articles of clothing-even a single bit of rag, or a pocket-handkerchief, which had been infected at a certain stage of the disease—would, after lying years in a cupboard, spread the disorder afresh throughout the whole household; and, therefore, the necessity of inducing patients at once to enter a sanitary institution was of the utmost importance. It was possible to have a complete and proper organization over districts where these diseases broke out. He spoke with knowledge of these things, as it was his duty to assist in preventing the spread of an outbreak of cholera at Liverpool some years ago, when they tried to confine the disease to small areas. Cholera broke out in two quarters of the town, and they took means to get hold of every case the moment it was attacked, and by doing that they confined the cases to those two districts. Perhaps the most important point was to persuade persons to go into hospitals where they would be properly taken care of; but there was in the (Mr. Rathbone, Sir John Kennaway, Sir Charles minds of many of the working classes a W. Dilke, Mr. Ritchie.) [BILL 22.] SECOND READING. Order for Second Reading read. MR. RATHBONE, in moving that the Bill be now read a second time, said, that he really thought it would not be necessary to detain the House long, as a simple explanation of the Bill would be quite sufficient. The object of the measure was to provide that no person should be deemed to be disqualified to be registered as a voter at Parliamentary or Municipal Elections by reason that he, or any member of his family, had received medical treatment or relief for any infectious or contagious disease as an in-patient or out-patient of any hospital, infirmary, or dispensary. He thought that anyone who had observed the spread of certain diseases, and who had taken any part in attempts to limit or control their spread, would see the importance of allowing the medical authorities to have the earliest information of their outbreak, and the fullest control over, or the charge of, those patients prejudice against doing that, which it was highly desirable to remove; and this prejudice would be greatly increased. by the knowledge that if they did so. they would be disfranchised, and that disqualification the Bill proposed to remedy. A case very recently came before the Vestry of Kensington, where it appeared that a householder, whose name was on the list of voters, and two of whose children, attacked with small-pox, had been removed, against his will, by direction of the local medical officers of an hospital, was objected to before the Revising Barrister, who held that he was disqualified from exercising the franchise because he had received parochial relief. In consequence of that decision the Guardians had taken up the question, it being one of considerable importance; and it was now proposed to place these four diseases upon the same footing as public vaccination when the patients were sent to any hospital. From a paper which he held in his hands it appeared that in February, 1877, the proportion of patients in the hospitals who were ferers were removed to an hospital for the public safety the public ought to bear the burden. He trusted, in concluding, that the House would give approval to the principle of the Bill, of which he would now move the second reading. Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."-(Mr. Rathbone.) 90 per cent, who were not paupers, became disqualified by the law in force from exercising the franchise. That was a great injustice to those persons; and now that public attention had been drawn to the subject, the prejudice against going into hospitals would be greatly increased; and as there would be more difficulty in dealing with these diseases by the sanitary authorities, it was proposed by the Bill to put them, MR. GREGORY said, if the Bill reas he had stated, upon the same footing ceived a second reading it would require as public vaccination. Another body- to be dealt with with considerable care namely, the medical officers of Vestries-in Committee. As he understood it, the had taken the matter up strongly. They Bill provided that a voter should not be said that the proposition was a reason- disqualified because he, for the public able one, so far as the Metropolis was benefit, was compelled to go into the concerned. This was not an instance in hospital or other place provided for conwhich the danger of pauperizing by relief tagious diseases. But they must take arose, for there was no fear of people care that the Bill was confined to the becoming purposely affected by these object for which it was intended, and it diseases in order that they might receive appeared to him the Bill, as it stood, medical relief. The Bill was confined would go somewhat beyond that. It was to those diseases which might spread a virtual alteration of the Representaand become a public danger; and there- tion of the People Act, and they must fore there was a reason for inducing pa- see that it did not affect the disqualifitients to go into a hospital. It had been cation inflicted by the receipt of ordisuggested that instead of allowing these nary parochial relief. They must take patients to go into the general hospitals care to mark the exceptions, and separate already provided other hospitals should them from the receipt of parish relief. be provided at the expense of the parishes, They should confine the Bill to the case and be placed under the control of the of an individual or a family sent into sanitary authorities, and that the going one of these places for the benefit of the into those hospitals should not disqua- public and for the purpose of preventing lify any person from the exercise of the contagion and the spread of the disease. franchise; but to provide fresh hospitals That he took to be the intention of the would inflict upon the community a very Bill, and it was a fair and legitimate large and unnecessary expense, and per- object, and one which met with his haps for only temporary purposes. Such approval. a course would be oppressive in ordinary parishes, though it might not be felt in large towns or in the Metropolis. Others said that persons who went into the hospitals for these diseases should be re-instated in their rights upon repaying the expenses of being treated there; but that was not a reasonable proposition, nor, indeed, would it be practicable to carry it out. He could not help thinking that it would be very hard, as had been sometimes suggested, that poor men, whose wages were perhaps not more than 20s. a-week, should be called upon to repay the cost of the maintenance of their children during their treatment in public institutions. Rather than agree to such an arrangement many poor men with children suffering from contagious or infectious diseases would run the risk of keeping them at home, and he contended that as the suf MR. O'SHAUGHNESSY said, he thought the suggestion just made by the hon. Member (Mr. Gregory), as to the safeguards to be attached to the Bill, were worthy of consideration. If poor persons receiving parochial relief-that was, relief other than that contemplated by the Bill- should be retained on the franchise, it would undoubtedly be an abuse, but, subject to that suggestion, he thought the Bill deserved to be read a second time. In Ireland the Bill would be a very great advantage, and would not alone prevent persons who received such medical relief from being excluded from the franchise, but it would be an inducement to them to co-operate with the sanitary authorities, and so lead to the prevention of the spread of disease. In the City which he represented (Limerick) they had adopted economical measures somewhat similar to those sug gested by the hon. Member for Liverpool (Mr. Rathbone). They had been obliged to withdraw assistance from the various hospitals in the city, and they had brought round them various institutions to meet those contagious diseases and prevent their spread among the poorer classes. It often happened that a tradesman, or one of his family, who would never have sought relief under ordinary circumstances, went into the Union fever hospital or small-pox hospital, and remained there until the disease had been removed and all dread of contagion had disappeared. It was quite evident that in the case of such a man it would be a very great hardship, and an unnecessary stigma, to deprive him of his civil rights because he had gone to such a hospital to obtain relief. It was not merely from a civil point of view that he thought the Bill desirable. He considered it was necessary in order to remove a stigma which attached now to occasional relief at the expense of the rates. Under the present circumstances, they found it very difficult to get poor people affected with those diseases to avail themselves of relief from the rates, and the medical relief got in poorhouses; but if the Legislature came forward and said that no disgrace attachedthat there should be no deprivation of civil rights in connection with such medical relief as that- the difficulty would be greatly reduced. Therefore, both on the ground of constitutional fairness and sanitary disciplinary administration, he hoped that the Bill, guarded by the suggestion made by the hon. Member opposite, would deserve the support of the House. MR. MARTEN said, he thought the subject one of great importance, and well deserving the attention of the House; but he must call attention to the fact that the Bill was only delivered to hon. Members on Thursday, and that there had not, therefore, been time to communicate with the different persons throughout the country who were best qualified to express an opinion on the proposal contained in it. [Mr. RATHBONE said the Bill was the same as that of last Session.] Last Session the Bill was not publicly discussed, and just now public attention was absorbed by foreign affairs, and had not, therefore, been so fully directed to this Bill as would otherwise have been the case. Previous to the Reform Act of 1832 parochial relief given on an outbreak of cholera or small-pox or an unforeseen accident did not disqualify. The old law thus recognized cases of emergency as exceptions to the general rule. In modern legislation exceptions had been established on the principle that the subject should be manifestly one involving the public benefit, and should be one of compulsory legislation. The Compulsory Vaccination Act of 1867, and the Education Act of 1870, proceeded on this basis. He would also point out that the Bill did not appear to fit in with the Public Health Act of 1875. That Act contained provisions respecting Infectious Diseases and Hospitals, and the prevention of epidemic diseases. The Bill extended to contagious diseases, and should be limited in this respect. Where there was compulsory action by local sanitary authorities for the general public benefit-as in the case of education and vaccination-there might be fair grounds for considering that exceptions should be made, but the present Bill seemed to have been drawn without much regard to this principle. There was great danger that if they adopted the Bill as it was they would do more than they intended, and thus lead to mischief. He thought a fair ground for exception from the disqualification of voters that was the consequence of parochial relief would be made out in the case of persons who were medically treated by the parish authorities for the protection of the public. It was, however, desirable that the Bill should not go beyond that; and therefore, although he was not prepared to support the Bill as it stood, he was ready to give his assent to its second reading, on the understanding that it should be amended by the introduction of certain safeguards into it in Committee. If the Bill was designed simply to extend exceptions already recognized by the law in regard to disqualifications, he should not be disposed to give it any opposition even in Committee. The Bill should, however, be amended, so as to make it applicable to the municipal franchise as well as to the Parliamentary franchise. The object of recent legislation had been to assimilate the Parliamentary and municipal franchise in boroughs, and it would be very undesirable to introduce a new element of difference between them. If the Bill were read a second time, he thought it would be |