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We here give our Readers an Abstract of a Pamphlet, just published, intitled Thoughts on the CAUSE of the prefent DISCONTENTS; which, by the Novelty of the Subject principally treated of, will, we make no Doubt, afford them Matter of good Entertainment.

OBODY, I believe, fays our author,

forts. A new project was therefore devifed,

Nwill confider it merely as the language by a certain fet of intriguing men, totally dif

of fpleen or difappointment, if I fay, that there is fomething particularly alarming in the prefent conjuncture. There is hardly a man in or out of power who holds any other Janguage. That Government is at once dreaded and contemned; that the laws are defpoiled of all their refpected and falutary terrors; that their inaction is a fubject of ridicule, and their exertion of abhorrence; that rank, and office, and title, and all the folemn plausibilities of the world, have loft their reverence and effect; that our foreign politics are as much deranged as our domeftic economy; that our dependencies are flackened in their affection, and loofened from their obedience; that we know neither how to yield nor how to inforce; that hardly any thing above or below, abroad or at home, is found and intire; but that difconnexion and confufion, in offices, in parties, in families, in Parliament, in the nation, prevail beyond the diforders of any former time: Thefe are facts univerfally admitted and lamented.

The caufe of thefe difcontents, the author attributes to a fyftem of Government, fome time fince adopted, and now prevailing, which he calls by the names of fecret Influence, the Junto, the Cabal, the double Cabinet, the King's Men, or King's Friends.

To get rid of all intermediate and independent importance, and to fecure to the Court the unlimited and uncontrolled ufe of its own vast influence, under the fole direction of its own private favour, has for fome years paft been the great object of policy of thefe Gentlemen. If thefe were compaffed, the influence of the Crown muft of courte produce all the effects which the most fanguine partifans of the Court could poffibly debre. Government might then be carried on without any concurrence on the part of the people; without any attention to the dignity of the greater, or to the affections of the lower

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ferent from the fyftem of Adminiftration which has prevailed fince the acceffion of the House of Brunfwic. This project, the author has heard, was first conceived by fome perfons in the Cout of Frederic Prince of Wales.

The first part of the reformed plan was to draw a line which fhould separate the Court from the Ministry. Hitherto these names had been looked upon as fynonymous; but for the future, Court and Administration were to be confidered as things totally dif tinct. By this operation, two fyftems of Adminiftration were to be formed; one, which should be in the real fecret and confidence; the other merely oftenfible, to perform the official and executory duties of Government. The latter were alone to be refponfible; whilft the real advisers, who enjoyed all the power, were effectually reinoved from all the danger.

Secondly, A party under thefe Leaders was to be formed in favour of the Court against the Miniftry: This party was to have a large thare in the emoluments of Government, and to hold it totally feparate from, and independent of, oftenfible "Adminiftration.

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The third point, and that on which the fuccefs of the whole fcheme ultimately depended, was to bring Parliament to an acquiefcence in this project.' Parliament was therefore to be taught by degrees a total indifference to the perfons, rank, influence, abilities, connexions, and character, of the Minifters of the Crown. By means of a difcipline, that body was to be habituated to the moft oppofite interefts, and the mott difcordant politics. All connexions and dependencies among fubjects were to be intirely diffolved. As hitherto business had gone through the hands of leaders of Whigs or Torics, men of talents to concilitate the people, and to engage their confidence, new th

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method was to be altered; and the lead was to be given to men of no fort of confideration or credit in the country. This want of natural importance was to be their very title to delegated power. Members of Parliament were be hardened into an infenfibility to pride as well as to duty. Thus Parliament was to look on, as if perfectly unconcerned; while a cabal of the clofet and back-stairs was substituted in the place of a national Administration.

With fuch a degree of acquiefcence, any measure of any Court might well be deemed thoroughly fecure. The capital objects, and by much the most flattering characteristics of arbitrary power, would be obtained. Every thing would be drawn from its holdings in the country to the perfonal favour and inclination of the Prince. This favour would be the fole introduction to power, and the only tenure by which it was to be held: So that no perfon locking towards another, and all looking towards the Court, it was impoffible but that the motive which folely influenced every man's hopes must come in time to govern every man's conduct; till at laft the fervility became univerfal, in spite of the dead letter of any laws or inftitutions whatsoever.

In the first place, they proceeded gradually, but not flowly, to deftroy every thing of frength which did not derive its principal nourishment from the immediate pleafure of the Court. The greatest weight of popular opinion and party connexion were then with the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pitt. Neither of thefe held their importance by the new tenure of the Court; they were not therefore thought to be fo proper as others for the fervices which were required by that tenure. It happened very favourable for the new fyftem, that under a forced coalition there rankled an incurable alienation and difguft between the parties which compofed the Adminiftration. Mr. Pitt was first attacked. Not fatisfied with removing him from power, they endeavoured by various artifices to ruin his character. The other party feemed rather pleased to get rid of fo oppreffive a fupport; not perceiving, that their own fall was prepared by his, and involved in it. Many other reafons prevented them from daring to look their true fituation in the face. To the great Whig families it was extremely difagreeable, and feemed almost unnatural, to oppofe the Adminiftration of a Prince of the Houfe of Brunfwic. Day after day they hefitated, and doubted, and lingered, expecting that other Councils would take place; and were flow to be per#fuaded, that all which had been done by the

cabal was the effect not of humour, but of fyftem. It was more ftrongly and evidently. the intereft of the new Court faction to get rid of the great Whig connexions, than to deftroy Mr. Pitt. The power of that Gentleman was vaft indeed and merited; but it was in a great degree perfonal, and therefore tranfient. Theirs was rooted in the country. For, with a good deal lefs of popularity, they poffeffed a far more natural and fixed influence. Long poffeffion of Government, vaft property, obligations of favours given and received, connexion of office, ties of blood, of alliance, of friendship, (things at that time fuppofed of fome force,) the name of Whig, dear to the majority of the people; the zeal early begun and fteadily continued to the Royal family; all thefe together formed a body of power in the nation, which was criminal and devoted. The great ruling principle of the cabal, and that which animated and harmonised all their proceedings, how various foever they may have been, was to fignify to the world, that the Court would proceed upon its own proper forces only; and that the pretence of bring ing any other into its fervice was an affront to it, and not a fupport. Therefore, when the Chiefs were removed, in order to go to the root, the whole party was put under a profcription, fo general and fevere as to take their hard-earned bread from the lowest Officers, in a manner which had never been known before even in general revolutions. But it was thought neceffary effectually to deftroy all dependencies but one; and to fhew an example of the firmness and rigour with which the new system was to be upported.

To reconcile the minds of the people to all these movements, principles correfpondent to them had been preached up with great zeal. Every one must remember that the cabal fet out with the most aftonishing prudery, both moral and political. Thofe, who in a few months after foufed over head and ears into the deepeft and dirtieft pits of corruption, cried out violently against the indirect practices in the electing and managing of Parliaments, which had formerly prevailed. This marvellous abhorrence, which the Court had fuddenly taken to all influence, was not only circulated in converfation through the kingdom, but pompously announced to the public, with many other extraordinary things, in a pamphlet which had all the appearance of a manifefto preparatory to fome confiderable enterprife. Throughout, it was a fatire, though in terms managed and decent enough, on the politics of the former reign. It was indeed written with no finall art and addrefs.

Ff2 • Sentiments of an honest man

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In this piece appeared the firft dawning of the new fyftem; there firft appeared the idea (then only in fpeculation) of feparating the Court from the Adminiftration; of carrying every thing from national connexion to perfonal regards; and of forming a regular party for that purpose, under the name of King's men.

Now was the time to unlock the fealed fountain of royal bounty, which had been infamoufly monopolifed and huck ftered, and to let it flow at large upon the whole people. The time was come, to reitore royalty to its original fplendor. Mettre le Roy hors de page became a fort of watch word. And it was conftantly in the mouths of all the runners of the Court, that nothing could preferve the balance of the Conftitution from being overturned by the rabble, or by a faction of the Nobility, but to free the Sovereign effectually from that minifterial tyranny under which the royal dignity had been oppreffed in the person of his Majesty's grand-father. It must be remembered, that, fince the Revolution, until the period we are speaking of, the influence of the Crown had been al ways employed in fupporting the Minifters of State, and in carrying on the public bufinefs according to their opinion. But the party now in question is formed upon a very different idea. It is to intercept the favour, protection, and confidence of the Crown in the paffage to its Minifters; it is to come between them and their importance in Parliament; it is to feparate them from all their natural and acquired dependencies; it is intended as the controul, not the fupport of Adminiftration. The machinery of this fyftem is perplexed in its movements, and falfe in its principle. It is formed on a fuppofition that the King is fomething external to his Government; and that he may be honoured and aggrandifed, even by its debility and difgrace. The plan proceeds exprefsly on the idea of enfeebling the regular executory power. It proceeds on the idea of weakening the State in order to ftrengthen the Court. The fcheme depending intirely on diftruft, on disconnexion, on mutability by principle, on fyftematic weakness in every particular Member; it is impoffible that the total refult fhould be fubftantial strength of any kind.

As a foundation of their fcheme, the cabal have established a fort of Rota in the Court. All forts of parties, by this means, have been brought into Adminiftration, from whence few have had the good fortune to efcape without difgrace; none at all with out confiderable toffes. In the beginning of each arrangement no profeffions of confidence and fupport are wanting, to induce

the leading men to engage. But, while the Minifters of the day appear in all the pomp and pride of power, while they have all their canvas fpread out to the wind, and every fail filled with the fair and profperous gale of royal favour, in a fhort time they find, they know not how, a current, which fets directly against them; which prevents all progrefs; and even drives them backwards. They grow afhamed and mortified in a fituation, which, by its vicinity to power, only ferves to remind them the more ftrongly of their infignificance. They are obliged either to execute the orders of their inferiors, or to fee themselves oppofed by the natural inftruments of their office. With the lofs of their dignity, they hofe their temper. In their turn they grow troublesome to that cabal, which, whether it fupports or oppofes, e qually difgraces and equally betrays them. It is foon found neceffary to get rid of the heads of Administration; but it is of the heads only. As there always are many rotten members belonging to the beft connexions, it is not hard to perfuade feveral to continue in office without their leaders. By this means the party goes out much thinner than it came in; and is only reduced in ftrength by its temporary poffeffion of power. Befides, if by accident, or in course of changes, that power fould be recovered, the Junto have thrown up a retrenchment of these carcafes, which may ferve to cover themselves in a day of danger. They conclude, not unwifely, that fuch rotten members will become the first objects of disguft and refentment to their antient connexions.

When any adverfe connexion is to be deftroyed, the Cabal feldom appear in the work themselves. They find out fome perfon of whom the party entertains an high opinion. Such a perfon they endeavour to delude with various pretences. They teach him first to diftruft, and then to quarrel with his friends; among whom, by the fame arts, they excite a fimilar diffidence of him; fo that, in this mutual fear and diftruft, he may fuffer himself to be employed as the inftrument in the change which is brought about. Afterwards they are fure to destroy him in his turn; by fetting up in his place fome perfon in whom he had himself repofed the greatest confidence, and who ferves to carry off a confiderable part of his adherents.

The Members of the Court faction are fully indemnified for not holding places on the flippery heights of the kingdom, not only by the lead in all affairs, but also by the perfect fecurity in which they enjoy less confpicuous, but very advantageous tuations. Their places are, in exprefs legal tenure, or in effect, all of them for life.

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Whilst the first and most respectable perfons in the kingdom are toffed about like tennisballs, the fport of a blind and infolent caprice, no Minifter dares even to caft an oblique glance at the lowest of their body. If an attempt be made upon one of this corps, immediately he flies to fanctuary. No con veniency of public arrangement is available to remove any of them from the fpecific fituation he holds; and the lighteft attempt upon one of them, by the most powerful Minifter, is a certain preliminary to his own deftruction.

Here is a sketch, though a flight one, of the constitution, laws, and policy, of this new Court corporation. The name by which they chufe to diftinguish themselves is that of King's men, or the King's friends, by an invidious exclufion of the rest of his Majefty's most loyal and affectionate fubjects. The whole fyftem, comprehending the exterior and interior Adminiftrations, is commonly called, in the technical language of the Court, Double Cabinet; in French or English, as you chufe to pronounce it.

Thus far it is certain, that there is not a fingle public man, in or out of office, who has not, at fome time or other, borne teftimony to the truth of what is now here related. About four years ago, during the Adminiftration of the Marquis of Rockingham, an attempt was made to carry on Government without their concurrence. However, this was only a tranfient cloud; they were hid but for a moment; and their conftellation blazed out with greater brightness, and a far more vigorous influence, fome time after it was blown over. An attempt was at that time made (but without any idea of profcription) to break their corps, to discountenance their doctrines, to revive connexions of a different kind, to restore the principles and policy of the Whigs, to reanimate the caufe of liberty by minifterial countenance; and then for the first time were men attached in office to every principle they had maintained in oppofition. No one will doubt, that fuch men were abhorred and violently oppofed by the Court faction, and that fuch a fyftem could have but a fhort duration.

It is this unnatural infufion of a system of -favouritifin into a Government which in a great part of its conftitution is popular, that has raised the prefent ferment in the nation. The people without entering deeply into its -principles could plainly perceive its effects, in much violence, in a great spirit of innovation, and a general diforder in all the functions of Government. I keep my eye folely on this fyftem; if I fpeak of thofe meafures which have arifen from it, it will be fo far only as

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they illuftrate the general scheme. This is the fountain of all thofe bitter waters of which, through an hundred different conduits, we have drunk until we are ready to hurt. The difcretionary power of the Crown in the formation of Miniftry, abused by bad or weak men, has given rife to a fyftem, which, without directly violating the letter of any law, operates against the fpirit of the whole Conftitution.

A plan of favouritifm for our executory Government is effentially at variance with the plan of our Legiflature. One great end undoubtedly of a mixed Government like ours, compofed of Monarchy, and of controls, on the part of higher people and the lower, is that the Prince hall not be able to violate the laws. This is useful indeed and fundamental. But this, even at first view, is no more than a negative advantage; an armour merely defensive. It is therefore next in order, and equal in importance, That the difcretionary powers which are neceffarily vefted in the Monarch, whether for the execution of the laws, or for the nomination to magiftracy and office, or for conducting the affairs of peace and war, or for ordering the revenue, thould all be exercifed upon public principles and national grounds, and not on the likings or prejudices, the intrigues or policies of a Courts'

We are at prefent at iffue upon this point. We are in the great crifis of this contention; and the part, which men take one way or other, will ferve to difcriminate their characters and their principles. Until the matter is decided, the country will remain in its prefent confufion. For while a fyftem of Adminiftration is attempted, intirely repugnant to the genius of the people, and not conformable to the plan of their Government, every thing muft neceffarily be difordered for a time, until this fyftem deftroys the Conftitution, or the Conftitution gets the better of this fyftem: For, indeed, the scheme of the junto under confideration, not only ftrikes a palfy into every nerve of our free Constitution, but in the fame degree benumbs and ftupifies the whole executive power; rendering Government in all its grand operations languid, uncertain, ineffective; making Ministers fearful of attempting, and incapable of executing any useful plan of domestic arrangement, or of foreign politics. It tends to produce neither the fecurity of a free Government, nor the energy of a Monarchy that is abfolute. Accordingly the Crown has dwindled away in proportion to the unnatural and turgid growth of this excrefcence on the Court.

The interior Ministry are sensible, that

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war is a fituation which fets in its full light the value of the hearts of a people; and they well know, that the beginning of the importance of the people mult be the end of theirs. Their fear betrays to the first glance of the eye, its true caufe, and its real object. Foreign powers, confident in the knowledge of their character, have not fcrupled to vioLate the moft folemn treaties; and, in defi ance of them, to make conquests in the midst of a general peace, and in the heart of Europe. Such was the conqueft of Corlica, by the profeffed enemies of the freedom of mankind, in defiance of those who were formerly its profelled defenders. We have had juft claims upon the fame powers; rights which ought to have been facred to them as well as to us, as they had their origin in our lenity and generofity towards France and Spain in the day of their great homiliation. Such I call the ranfom of Manilla, and the demand on France for the Eat-India prifoners. But thefe powers put a juft confidence in their refource of the double Cabinet. These demands (one of them at least) are haftening faft towards an acquittal by prefeription. Oblivion begins to fpread her cobwebs over all our fpirited remonstrances. Some of the most valuable branches of our trade are also on the point of perithing from the fame caufe. I do not mean thofe branches which bear without the hand of the vine-dreffer; I mean thofe which the policy of treaties had formerly fecured to us; I mean to mark and diftinguifh the trade of Portugal, the lofs of which, and the power of the cabal, have one and the fame æra.

If by any chance the Minifters, who stand before the curtain, poffefs or affect any fpirit, it makes little or no impreffion. Foreign Courts and Minifters, who were among the first to discover and to profit by this invention of the double Cabinet, attend very little to their remonttrances. They, know that thofe fhadows of Minifters have nothing to do in the ultimate difpofal of things. Jealoufies and animofities are feduloutly nourished in the outward Adminiftration, and have been even confidered as a caufa fine qua non in its conftitution : Thence foreign Courts have a certainty, that nothing can be done by common counfel in this nation. If one of thofe Minifters officially takes up a business with fpirit, it ferves only the better to fignalife the meannefs of the reft, and the difcord of them all. His collegues in office are in hafte to thake him off, and to difclaim the whole of his proceedings. Of this nature was that aftonifhing tranfaction, in which Lord Rochford, our Ambassador at Paris, remonstrated

against the attempt upon Corfica, in confequence of a direct authority from Lord Shelburne. This remonstrance the French Miniiter treated with the contempt that was natural; as he was affured, from the Ambaffador of his Court to ours, that these orders of Lord Shelburne were not fupported by the reft of the (I had like to have faid British) Adminiftration. Lord Rochford, a man of spirit, could not endure this situation. The confequences were, however, curious. He returns from Paris, and comes home full of anger. Lord Shelburne, who gave the orders, is obliged to give up the Seals. Lord Rochford, who obeyed thefe orders, receives them. He goes, however, into another department of the fame office, that he might not be obliged officially to acquiefce in one fituation under what he had officially remonftrated against in another. At Paris, the Duke of Choifeul confidered this office arrangement as a compliment to him: Here it was spoke of as an attention to the delicacy of Lord Rochford. But, whether the compliment was to one or both, to this nation it was the fame. By this tranfaction the condition of our Court lay expofed in all its nakednefs. Our office correspondence has loft all pretence to authenticity; British policy is brought into derifion in those nations, that a while ago trembled at the power of our arms, whilft they looked up with confidence to the equity, firmnefs, and candour, which fhone in all our negotiations. I reprefent this matter exactly in the light in which it has been univerfally received.

Such has been the afpect of our foreign politics, under the influence of a double Cabinet. With fuch an arrangement at Court, it is impoffible it fhould have been otherwife. Nor is it poffible that this scheme fhould have a better effect upon the Government of our dependencies, the first, the deareft, and most delicate objects, of the interior policy of this empire. The colonies know, that Adminiftration is feparated from the Court, divided within itself, and detefted by the nation. The double Cabinet has, in both the parts of it, fhewn the most malignant difpofitions towards them, without be ing able to do them the smallest mischief.

Our author next confiders, whether the King has been richer than his predeceffors in accumulated wealth, fince the establishment of the plan of favouritifm? I believe it will be found (fays he) that the picture of royal indigence, which our Court has prefented until this year, has been truly humiliating. Nor has it been relieved from this unfeemly dif trefs, but by means which have hazarded the affection of the people, and fhaken their con

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