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and it was faid, that they purchased the confifcated eftates upon very eafy terms. The Nobility of Hungary feemed irreconcileable to the Court of Vienna. On the other hand, thofe of that Court, who had thofe confifcations affigned them, and knew, that the restoring thefe would certainly be infifted on as a neceffary article, in any treaty that might follow, did all they could to obftruct fuch a treaty. It was vifible, that Ragotki, who was at their head, aimed at the principality of Tranfylvania; and it was natural for the Hungarians to look on his arriving at that dignity, by which he could affift and protect them, as the best fecurity they could have. On the other hand, the Court of Vienna, being poffeffed of that principality, would not eafily part with it. In the midst of all this ferment, a Revolution happened in the Turkish empire. A new Sultan was fet up, fo that all things were now at a ftand, till it might be known what was to be expected from him. They were foon delivered from this anxiety, for he fent a Chiaus to the Court of Vienna, to affure them, that he would give no affiffance to the malecontents. That Court, being freed from thofe apprehenfions, refolved to carry on the war in Hungary as vigorously as they could. This was imputed to a fecret practice from France on fome of that Court; and there were fo many concerned in the confifcations, that every propofition that way was powerfully fupported. Thus Italy was neglected, and the fiege of Landau was ill-fupported, their chief ftrength being employed in Hungary. Yet, when the Ministers of the allies proffed the opening a treaty with the malecontents, the Emperor feemed willing to refer the arbitration of that matter to his allies. But, though it was fit to fpeak in that flyle, yet no fuch thing was defigned. A treaty was opened, but when it was known, that Zeiher had the chief management of it, there was no reafon to expect any good effect of it. He was born a Proteftant, a fubject of the Palatinate, and was often employed by the Elector Charles Lewis to negociate affairs at the Court of Vienna. He, fecing a profpect of rifing in that Court, changed his religion, and became a creature of the Jefuits, and adhered fteadily to all their interefts. He managed that fecret practice with the French in the treaty of Rylwick, by which the Proteftants of the Palatinate fuffered fo confiderable prejudice. The treaty in Hungary ftuck at the preliminaries, for indeed neither fide was then inclined to treat. The malecontents were fupported by France: They were routed in feveral engagements, but thefe

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were not fo confiderable as the Court of Vienna gave out in their public news. malecontents fuffered much in them, but came foon together again, and they fubfifted fo well by the mines, of which they had poffeffed themfelves, and the incurfions they made, and the contributions they raifed from the Emperor's fubjects, that, unless the war was carried on more vigorously, or a peace offered more fincerely, that kingdom was long like to be a fcene of blood and rapine.

So likewife was its neighbouring kingdom of Poland. It was heped, that the talk of a new election was only a loud threatening, to force a peace fooner; but it proved otherwife. A Dyet was brought together of thofe who were irreconcileable to King Auguftus; and, after many delays, Staniflaus Le zinkski, Palatine of Pofnania, was chofen and proclaimed their King, and he was immediately owned by the King of Sweden. The Cardinal Primate feemed at firit unwilling to agree to this; but he suffered himfelf to be forced into it; and this was believed to be an artifice of his to excufe himself to the Court of France, whofe penfioner he was, and to whom he had engaged to carry the election for the Prince of Conti. The war was carried on this year with various fuccefs on both fides. King Auguftus made a quick march to Warfaw, where he furprised fome of Stanitlaus's party, the latter efcaping narrowly himself. But the King of Sweden followed to clofely that, not being able to fight him, King Auguftus was obliged to retreat into Saxony, where he continued for feme months. There he ruined his own deminiens, by the great preparations he made to return with a mighty force; but his delays induced many to forfake his party; for it was given out, that he would return no more, and that he was weary of the war, which he had good reaf a to be. Poland, in the mean while, was in a most mifumble condition. The King of Sweden fubiited his army in it, and his temper grew daily more fierce and Gothic. He was refolved to make no peace, till Auguitus was driven out; but, in the mean time, his own country suffered greatly. Livonia was deftroyed by the Mufcovites, who had taken Narva, and made fome progrefe in Sweden. The Pepe cfpoufed the inters of King Auguftus, for to fupport a new convert of fuch importance was thought a point worthy the zeal of that Sec. therefore cited the Cordinul Primate to appear at Rome, and to give an account of the there he had in all that war. The Pope was Low wholly in the French interelt, card main

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tained the character, which they pretend to, of a common father with fo much partiality, that the Emperor himfelf, how tame and fubur iflive foever to all the impofitions of that See, yet could not but make loud complaints of it. The Pope had threatened, that he would thunder out excommunications against all thofe troops, which should continue in his dominions. The Emperor was fo implicit in his faith, and fo ready in his obedience, that he ordered his troops to retire out of the Ecclefiaftical State; but all the effect this had was to leave that State intirely in the hands of the French, against whom the Pope did not think fit to fulminate, though he pretended fill, that he would maintain a neutrality; and both the Venetians and the Great Duke adhered to him in that refolution, and continued neutral during the war.

After this view of the state of affairs abroad, it is time to return to England, where, on the 29th of October, the Parliament met at Weftininfter, according to the laft prorogation; and the Queen, being come to the Houfe of Peers, made the following speech to both Houses:

My Lords and Gentlemen,

THE great and remarkable fuccefs, with which God has bleffed our arms in this fummer, has stirred up our good fubjects, in all parts of the kingdom, to express their unanimous joy and fatisfaction; and I affure myself you are all come difpofed to do every thing, that is neceflary for the effectual profecution of the war, nothing being more obvious, than that a timely improvement of our prefent advantages will enable us to procure a lafting foundation of fecurity for England, and a firm fupport for the liberty of Europe. This is my aim. I have no intereft, nor ever will have, but to promote the good and happiness of all my subjects.

Gentlemen of the Houfe of Commons, I must defire fuch fupplies of you, as may be requisite for carrying on the next year's fervice both by fea and land, and for punctually performing our treaties with all our allies, the rather, for that fome of them have just pretenfions depending ever fince the lalt war; and I need not put you in mind of what importance it is to preferve the public credit, both abroad and at home.

I believe you will find fome charges neceffery next year, which were not mentioned in the laft feffion; and fome extraordinary expences incurred fince, which were not then provided for.

I affure you, that all the supplies you

give, with what I am able to fpare from my own expences, fhall be carefully applied to the beft advantage for the public fervice: And I earnestly recommend to you a fpeedy dispatch, as that, which, under the good providence of God, we muft chiefly depend upon, to disappoint the earliest designs of our enemies.

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My Lords and Gentlemen,

'I cannot but tell you how effential it is for attaining thofe great ends abroad, of which we have fo hopeful a profpect, that we fhould be intirely united at home.

It is plain our enemies have no encouragement left, but what arifes from their hopes of our divifions. It is therefore your concern not to give the least countenance to thofe hopes.

My inclinations are to be kind and indulgent to you all. I hope you will do nothing to endanger the lofs of this opportunity, which God has put into our hands, of fecuring ourselves and all Europe; and that there will be no contention among you, but who fhall most promote the public welfare.

Such a temper as this, in all your proceedings, cannot fail of fecuring your reputation both at home and abroad.

This would make me a happy Queen, whofe utmost endeavours would never be wanting to make you a happy and flourishing people.'

The two Houses immediately voted congratulatory addreffes; and, the next day, the following one was prefented by the Lords:

WE, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal fubjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to return our humble and hearty thanks to your Majefty for your moft gracious speech to your Parliament.

The kindness and indulgence your Majefty hath expreffed for all your fubjects; your care to create a perfect union among us, by forewarning us of the mifchiefs of divifions; your goodness in declaring your own happiness to depend upon that of your people; your desire to fee that happiness settled upon a lafting foundation; your strict regard to treaties; your juftice to p blic engagements, abroad as well as at home; and your noble concern for the fupport of the liberties of Europe; comprehend all the royal qualities, that can be defired in a Sovereign and when they are all fo manifeftly united in your royal perfon, we and the whole nation fhould be inexcufable to God and the whole world, to this age and to pofterity, if we should not cadeavour effectually to ac

complish

complish all thofe great and excellent designs, which your Majefty hath fo wifely and gracioully recommended.

We, for ourselves, faithfully affure your Majefty, that we will do all in our power to bring this fellion to a happy and speedy conclufion, and to improve, to the ut moft, the bleffed opportunity, that God hath put into our hands.

Upon this occafion of approaching your Majefty, we defire humbly to congratulate the great and glorious fuccefs of your Majesty's arms, in conjunction with thofe of your allies under the command of the Duke of Marlborough. We can never enough admire your wifdom and courage, in fending that feafonable and necefiary affiftance to the empire; and we cannot too much commend the fecrecy and bravery, with which your orders were executed.

What remains for us to do, is, to befeech God, that the like fuccefs may attend your Majefty's arms, till you fee the Proteftant religion and the liberty of Europe fettled upon a firm and lafting foundation; and that your Majefty may live many years, to have the pleasure and glory of beholding thole parts of the world happy in the enjoy ment of those bleffings, which your Majefty shall have procured for them.'

To this the Queen anfwered, I am very fenfible of the great duty and affection you have expreffed in the feveral particulars of this address; and I return you my hearty thanks for your congratulation of our great fuccefs, and for the affurance of your readi nefs to concur in profecuting it effectually.'

The address prefented by the Commons, the fame day, was thus expreffed :

Moft gracious Sovereign, WE, your Majesty't moft dutiful-and loyal fubjects, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgeffes, in Parliament affenbled, do beg leave to return to your Majesty our molt humble and hearty thanks for your Majefty's moft gracious speech from the Throne; and to congratulate your Majefty upon the great and glorious fuccefs, with which it hath pleafed God to bless your Majefty in the intire defeat of the united force of France and Bavaria, by the arms of your Majefty and your allies, under the command, and by the courage and conduct of the Duke of Marlborough; and in the victory obtained by your Majefty's fleet, under the command, and by the courage of Sir George Rooke.

Your Majefty can never be disappointed in your expectation from us, your faithfid Commons, who all come difpofed to do

every thing neceffary for the effectual profecution of the war; and therefore your Majefty may depend upon our providing fuch fupplies, and giving fuch speedy dispatch to the public bufinefs, as may enable your Majefty to purfue thefe advantages fo happily obtained over the common enemy, which we can never doubt but your Majetty's wildom will improve to the procuring a lafting fecurity for England, and a firm fupport for the liberty of Europe.'

We are truly fenfible, that nothing can be more effential for the attaining thofe great ends, than to be intirely united at home. We fhall therefore ufe our utmost endeavours, by all proper methods, to prevent all divifions among us, and will have no contention, but who fhall mot promote and establish the public welfare both in Church and State. Thus your Majetty's reign will be made happy, and your memory blefled to all pofterity.'

The Queen' returned them thanks for the affurances they gave her of difpatching the fupplies, and avoiding all divifions; both which, as they were extremely acceptable to her, fo they would be advantageous to themfelves and beneficial to the public.'

The Lords addrefs was univerfully ap plauded; but that of the Commons gave great offence; particularly, because it fpoke

in the fame terms of the Duke of Marlbo

rough's victories and the advantages gained by Sir George Rooke. It was alfo obferved, that the promife, which they made to the Queen, of using their utmott endeavours to prevent all divifions, was in a manner retrained by the addition of all proper methods, which many looked upon as omi

nous.

However, after the Commons had taken the fervices of the army and navy into confideration, and, by an unanimous vote, on the 2d of November, defired the Queen' to beftow her bounty upon the feamen and land-forces, who had behaved themselves fo gallantly,' they proceeded to the fupply. The feveral fums they granted for the navy, the army, and other neceffary expences, amounted to four millions, fix hundred and feventy thousand, four hundred and eightyfix pounds; which they refolved to levy by a land-tax of four fhillings in the pound, by continuing the duties on malt, by raining eight hundred and feventy-feven thoufand, nine hundred and thirty-one pounds, by fale of annuities, and by feveral other ways and means. They made fo great a difpatch, that, on the 9th of December, the land-tax Rr 2

bill

bill received the royal affent, on which occafion the Queen made a thort fpeech to both Houfes, wherein, in particular, the returned thanks to the Commons, for their early dif

patch of fo great a part of the necessary fup-
plies, which he looked upon to be a fure
pledge of their affections for her service.
(To be continued.)

The Compendious Peerage of England, continued from Page 152, of our Magazine for March laft, with the Arms finely engraved, and a genealogical Account of the Noble Family of MORDAUNT, Earl of Peterborough and Monmouth.

T appears from the records of this family, collected in the reign of King Charles II, and printed at the charge of Henry Earl of Peterborough, that Ofbert le Mordaunt, a Norman Knight, was poffefled of Radwell in Bedfordshire, by the gift of his brother, which he had of William the Conqueror, for his fervices, and the fervice of his father, in the conqueft of this kingdom.

This Sir Ofbert le Mordaunt had iffue two fons, Ofimurd and Baldwin; and Of mund had iffue Euftach le Mordaunt, who by marriage with Alice, eldest daughter and coheir of William de Aineto, modernly calDauncy, became poffeft of the Lordship of Turvey in Bedfordire. Several deeds of this Eutache are extant, by the name of Euftachius Mordaunt de Wahall,

William Mordaunt, his fon and heir, was Lord of Turvey, Radwell, Afhull, and other lands, and was fuccceded therein by a fon of his own name.

Which William was likewife pofeffed of Chichely. He had illue by Rofe his wife, daughter of Sir Ralph Wake, Robert his fon and heir, (mentioned in charters in 16 Ed. II, and 7 and 29 Ed. III) who was Knight of the fire for the county of Bedford, in the Parliament held at Westminster in 15 Ed. II. He married joan, daughter of Thomas Frowick, and had itlue Edmund le Mordaunt, who added to the poffeffions of his ancestors Clifton and Shephaell, and lived in the reign of King Edward III, as He married Helen, appears by his charters. daughter and coheir of Ralph Brook, from which match proceeded Robert le Mordaunt his fon and heir.

This Robert le Mordaunt is mentioned in deeds in 49 E. III, and 14 Richard II; and having married Agnes, daughter and beir of John Strange of Hampton-Tudworth in Suflex, by Elifabeth his wife, daughter and heir of Willian Butler of Waldern in the fame county, had itlue a fun of his own name, who fucceeded him.

Which Robert, in 9 Henry V, was one of the Knights for the County of Bedford, in

the Parliament which met at Westminster; and by Elifabeth his wife, daughter of John Holdenby of Holdenby in com. Northamp ton, was father of William Mordaunt, Ef.

This William was living in 11 E. IV, and married Margaret, daughter of John Pecke of Cople in Bedfordshire, by whom he had, among other children, John and William

John, fon and heir, was feated at Tarvey in com. Bedf. and, in 2 H. VII, was one of the King's Commanders at the battle of Stoke near Newark on Trent, against John Earl of Lincoln, and his adherents. Being alfo learned in the laws, he was conftituted King's Serjeant in 11 H. VII, Juftice of Cheller in 15 Hen. VII, and foon after Chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster; and made one of the Knights of the fword, at the creation of Henry Prince of Wales.

Sir William Dugdale in his Baronage, (and others from him) make this Sir John Mordaunt to be the firft Lord Mordaunt ; but it is evident, that he died in the 2ft year of King Hen. VII, his will bearing date on the 5th of September 1504, and the probate thereof the 6th of December following; and is to be seen in the regifter intitled Holgrave in the prerogative Court of Canterbury.

He had divers manors in the counties of Bedford, Bucks, Northampton, Hertford, Effex, Surry, and Northumber land, which he fettles on William Mordaunt his fon and heir, and his heirs-male; and in default, on lohn his fon, and is default to Joan his daughter, remainder to Elifabeth his fifter, wife of Wiftan Brown.

The faid William, his eldeft fon, was executor and adminiftrator of his father's will; but, dying without illue, the estate devolved on John his brother and heir.

Which John, was knighted before the 11th year of King Henry VIII, when he was one of thofe appointed to attend the Queen'at the interview with Francis King of France; and, in 14 Hen. VIII, waited an the King at Canterbury, at his meeting 'with the Emperor. Meriting much by reafon of his great abilities, he had fummons w

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