tions: "1. That, as a preliminary step, a general and simultaneous disarmament should be effected. "2. That the said disarmament should be regulated by a military or civil commission, independent of the Congress. "3. That, as soon as that commission should have met and commenced its task, the Congress should assemble in its turn, and proceed to the discussion of the political questions. "4. That the representatives of the Italian States should be invited by the Congress, on its meeting, to sit with the representatives of the five great Powers, precisely in the same manner as took place at the Congress of Laybach in 1821." "Observations of the Cabinet of produce their political treaties "4. Perfectly agreed that neither existing territorial engagements nor the treaties of 1815, nor those concluded in execution of those acts, shall be touched. "5. An understanding for a simultaneous disarming of the Great Powers."* These proposals appeared in the Moniteur on the 21st of April, accompanied with an official declaration, that France, Russia, and Prussia had agreed to the propositions of her Britannic Majesty's Government. But all further attempts at negotiation were superseded by the precipitate and foolish conduct of Austria, who, at this critical moment, took a step which, under the circumstances, was tantamount to a declaration of war, and made her, in a great measure, responsible for all the disasters which that war brought upon herself. The attitude of Prussia at this juncture will be best explained by reference to the communications made by the Government * This fifth proposal was added by Count Buol himself, who said that it "would be, doubtless, received by all the Powers as a new proof of the pacific intentions of Austria." to the Chambers, the session of which opened in January. On the 28th of April Baron de Schleinitz, the minister for foreign affairs, addressed the Deputies, and said: 66 At the moment when the Prussian Parliament is about to meet after a short respite, events of the most serious nature are taking place far from us. The differences between Austria on the one hand, and Sardinia and France on the other, have now reached a point which leads to the fear that war is inevitable. England has made a last attempt to preserve peace, and all hope is not yet lost. But the Government must own that such hope is very slight. Although, under such circumstances, in the obscurity of the state of things, the Government is not in a position to make a more circumstantial statement to the representatives of the nation, it nevertheless feels it a duty to say what measures it has thought necessary to take. Ac "Seeing armaments being made everywhere, the Government has for some time been occupied with the measures which ought to be adopted. The hope of the maintenance of peace which lately prevailed, had hitherto prevented it from carrying those measures into execution. tuated by the sentiment that the welfare of Germany, as well as its own, was at stake, it did not confine itself, independently of other precautionary measures, to placing the corps d'armée on a war footing, but it proposed to the German Diet to call out the Federal contingents, and that proposal has been immediately adopted. The Prussian Govern. ment is resolved to maintain the known bases, and it has not deviated from them in the proposition made to the Diet, which bears an essentially defensive character, which responds to the character of the Confederation. The policy of the Government is based more upon the general interests of Germany than upon the interests of Prussia." And when the session of the Chambers was closed on the 14th of May by the Regent in person, he thus alluded to the position that Prussia would maintain in the conflict that had then commenced:: 66 The war, which my Government in vain used its most strenuous endeavours to prevent, has broken out in Italy. The serious position of affairs demanded the placing of the army on a war footing, which measure it was also found necessary to extend to the marine service. The attitude and spirit of the army are such as to inspire us with full confidence, whatever the future may produce. It will not, when our country calls, fall short of the deeds and fame in arms of our fathers. "Prussia is determined to maintain the basis of European public right and the balance of power in Europe. It is Prussia's right and duty to stand up for the security, the protection, and the national interests of Germany, and she will not resign the assertion of these her prerogatives. CHAPTER VIII. WAR IN ITALY CONTINUED-Summons of Austria to Sardinia to disarm-Reply of the Sardinian Government-Proclamations of King Victor Emmanuel-Views of the British GovernmentSuspension of the Sardinian Constitution-Statement of Count Walewski to the French Corps Législatif-Address of the Emperor of Austria to his army-His Manifesto to his Subjects-Austrian circular to Foreign Powers-Proclamation of the French Commander at Rome-Events in Tuscany, Parma, and Modena-The Austrian army crosses the Ticino-Advance of the French army into Piedmont-Vindication by the French Government of its Policy-Manifesto of war by the French Emperor-The Empress appointed Regent-Policy of the British Government-The French Emperor's Order of the Day to the army of Italy-Position of the Austrian and Sardinian armies-Military movements-Battle of Montebello-The Austrians retire across the Ticino-Battle of Magenta. N the 23rd of April, Baron de aide-deKellersberg, an camp of the Austrian General Gyulai, commanding the army in Lombardy, arrived in Turin, with a summons from the Austrian Government, calling upon Sardinia to disarm, under the threat of immediate hostilities if she refused to comply. To this peremptory demand, Count Cavour transmitted, on the 26th of April, a reply to Count Buol, at Vienna, in which he said "The question of the disarmament of Sardinia, which constitutes the groundwork of the demand which your Excellency addresses to me, has been the subjec tof numerous negotiations between the great Powers and the Government of His Majesty. Sar These negotiations have ended "The conduct of Sardinia in these circumstances has been appreciated by Europe. Whatever may be the consequences it may lead to, the King, my august master, is convinced that the responsibility will fall upon those who were the first to arm, who refused the propositions made by a great Power, and deemed just and reasonable by the others, and who now substitute a threatening summons in their stead." The next day the King, Victor Emmanuel, issued a proclamation to his troops. "Soldiers !-Austria, who is increasing her armies on our frontier, and threatens to invade our territory because here liberty reigns with order,-because not might, but concord and affection between the people and the Sovereign, here govern the State, --because the groans of oppressed Italy here find an echo, Austria dares to ask us, who are only armed in self-defence, to lay down our arms and submit to her clemency. "That insulting demand received the reply it deserved. I rejected it with contempt. Soldiers, I tell it to you, convinced that you will take an insult to your King and to your nation as an insult to yourselves. announcement I make to you is the announcement of war! Soldiers, to arms! The "You will have to face an enemy not new to you. But if brave and disciplined you need not fear the comparison with them, and you may quote with pride the battles of Goïto, Pastrenga, Santa Lucia, SommaCompagna, and even Custozza, where four brigades alone struggled for three days against five corps d'armée. "I will lead you. We have made each other's acquaintance before this, on more than one occasion, in the heat of battle, when, fighting by the side of my magnanimous father, I had opportunity to admire your couarge. . "I am sure that on the field of honour and of glory you will maintain, even add to, your reputation for bravery. You will have for companions those intrepid soldiers of France, conquerors in so many noted battles, who were your brethren-in-arms on the Tchernaya, and whom Napoleon III., who is always to be found where there is a just cause to defend or civilization to promote, sends generously to our assistance in numerous battalions. "March, then, confident in victory, and twine new laurels round your flag, that tricolor under the folds of which the élite of the youth of Italy is collected, and which indicates to you that the task before you is the independence of Italy-that just and holy work which will be your battle-cry." And at the same time another proclamation was addressed to the Italians, countersigned by Count Cavour: 66 Austria, who boasts of her love for peace, attacks us by refusing to submit to a European Congress. She violates the promises made to England; she asks us to reduce our army, and to abandon those brave volunteers who have thronged from every part of Italy to defend the sacred flag of Italian independence. I intrust the cares of government to my well-loved cousin, and draw my sword. Europe, and because she was not insensible to your groans of agony. Austria now publicly tears to pieces treaties which she never respected. Henceforth, by right, the Italian nation is free, and I may conscientiously fulfil the oath I took upon my father's grave. 66 Let us place confidence in Providence, in our union, in the bravery of Italian soldiers, in the alliance of the noble French nation. Let us trust in public opinion. I have no other ambition than to be the first soldier of Italian independence. Long live Italy!" The rash step taken by Austria in addressing the arbitrary summons to Sardinia to disarm, called forth a strong and emphatic protest from the English Government. On the 22nd of April, Lord Malmesbury wrote to Lord A. Loftus, and said "I have acquainted you by the telegraph with the strong feeling of indignation against Austria which prevails in London, in consequence of its having become known that, at the very time that Austria had summoned Sardinia to disarm under penalty of immediate hostilities in case of refusal, Sardinia had actually agreed unconditionally to disarm. Your Lordship's language, therefore, to Count Buol cannot be too strong in regard to the course adopted by Austria. 66 Her Majesty's Government are at a loss to imagine on what grounds the Cabinet of Vienna can justify this menace of invasion of Sardinia, now that she has agreed to disarm. It cannot, surely, be justified on the ground of the admission of the representatives of Italian States to the Congress; for the Austrian Government was itself a consenting party to the admission of them in a certain character, and it is monstrous to suppose that a change in that character, whatever it might be, even supposing it were insisted upon, could warrant Austria in taking the fatal step of an invasion. 66 Her Majesty's Government feel, after all that has passed, that they are entitled to expect to be informed on this point; and, in order to bring the question to an immediate issue, you will ask Count Buol whether Austria will stop the march of her armies, and will agree to the admission of the representatives of the Italian States as mere delegates and not as Plenipotentiaries, and will also accept the first three points in my proposals of the 18th inst. relating to disarmament to be effected by commissioners, and to the meeting of the Congress when those commissioners have commenced their labours. "You will give Count Buol clearly to understand that the refusal of Austria will enlist against her the feelings of the Government and of all classes in this country. "You will add that, in making this proposal, Her Majesty's Government assume that, if Austria should agree to it, the military operations now in progress in France would at once be arrested. "As regards, however, the question of Sardinian disarmament, I have to observe that Her Majesty's Government still consider it impossible to call upon the Cabinet of Turin at once to disperse the free corps, as such |