the Queen's Ministers at Paris and Vienna to take every practicable opportunity to remove the misunderstanding between the two Courts, and, taking advantage of the favourable position of this country, the Government had interposed their good offices directly to secure the continuance of the general peace. Several causes

had contributed to the misunderstanding; but the paramount cause was to be found in the unsatisfactory condition of Italy. The Government instructed Lord Cowley to take all possible means of ascertaining the views of the Emperor of the French, and to make known the views of Her Majesty's Government, which were those which had always been stated in that and the other House of Parliament by the most eminent statesmen of all parties -namely, that it would be unwise to disturb existing treaties and the balance of power established in 1815. Lord Cowley, having been requested to repair to London, was despatched to Vienna to ascertain how far Austria would meet the views of the Emperor of the French,-a mission cordially approved by the Emperor, and that mission was entirely successful as a mission of conciliation. But before Lord Cowley could return to Paris the Court of St. Petersburg had proposed to that of France that the matters in dispute should be referred to a Congress. This proposal was accepted by the Emperor of the French, and Her Majesty's Government thought it would be wise to assent to this appeal to a Congress, and notified their willingness on four conditions, and subject to a general condition, that the Congress

should not interfere with the settlement of 1815. The four conditions were accepted by France, Russia, and Prussia, and likewise by Austria, who added a fifth condition,-the disarmament of Sardinia. When this proposition was communicated to Her Majesty's Government they did not approve it; they did not wish to sanction a course that would humiliate or weaken Sardinia, and ultimately Austria consented to waive this invidious condition, and proposed a general disarmament. France accepted this proposal of Austria, but Sardinia had not yet assented to the proposition of a general disarmament, because she had not been invited to be present at the Congress. Her Majesty's Government were prepared to put the most generous interpretation upon her conduct, and to consider the proposal of Sardinia to be present at the Congress favourably. But she was not one of the great Powers, and, if Sardinia was present, other Italian States would have a title to appear, and precedents might be pleaded for their admission. We were, therefore, in this condition -France and Austria had accepted the principle of disarmament; Sardinia had not agreed, on account of her exclusion from the Congress; but he should hope that this difficulty might be got over, and he had the satisfaction of stating that the Marquis D'Azeglio had arrived in this country on a special mission, and he expected the best results from the agency of a man of his temperate character and enlightened mind. Under these circumstances, he did not believe there was a Power in Europe that would wantonly provoke a war, and there

was a strong power in public opinion. An Italian war would probably be an European war; and if the war should spread beyond Italy, England might be interested not only in the cause of civilization, but on Imperial considerations of the most urgent character. He trusted, however, that with firmness and conciliation the peace of the world might be preserved.

Lord Palmerston said, he believed Her Majesty's Government had acted from a sense of duty in engaging in these informal negotiations, though he thought that, had they been of a more formal character, they might have had a more successful issue. It was natural that Austria should wish that the negotiations at the Congress should have been preceded or accompanied by a general disarmament; but it was an unreasonable condition that Sardinia alone should disarm, and he thought Her Majesty's Government were right in objecting to it. He was glad to hear that France and Austria had agreed to the principle of a general disarmament; but it appeared to him that the going into a long discussion as to this point, instead of discussing in Congress the real questions at issue, would be a waste of time. Why should not the Congress meet at once and settle the material points in dispute, instead of discussing the vague question of a general (disarmament? This would require a long space of time, and if its adjustment was to be preliminary to the negotiations, they would be postponed indefinitely. The Congress might meet at once and discuss and settle the real questions upon which the peace of

Europe depended. Let France and Austria withdraw their troops from Central Italy, and pledge themselves that under no circumstances, at any future time, should they return; the Congress then might, if it pleased, go into the question of the amelioration of Italy in general. But the withdrawal of the foreign troops would lay a foundation for reforms in the States south of the Po. The present difference arose from the indisposition of Sardinia to disarm unless admitted to the Congress. As the force of Sardinia was so much less than that of Austria, the latter need not be alarmed, and England and France might set her at ease in this respect. No doubt, it might be said that Sardinia was not one of the great leading Powers of Europe; but she was a member of the Conference at Paris, and she might be said to stand in an analogous position now. She was also one of the parties called upon to disarm, and if that question was to be discussed in the Congress she might say she had a right to be there and be a party to the discussion. He trusted that no Government would be so blind to its duties to itself, to its subjects, to Europe, and to mankind, as to enter into a war without necessity, which would be not merely a fault, but a crime.

Mr. T. Duncombe said that the state of Italy was a disgrace to civilized Europe, and he wanted to know what hope there was for that country in these negotiations. He insisted that Sardinia ought to be represented at the Congress: the reasons of Count Cavour were, in his opinion, unanswerable; yet the five great Powers tyrannically said she should not be present to

Majesty to thank you for the wise liberality with which you have granted the necessary supplies for the military and naval defences of the country; and for the provision which you have made for the exigencies of the other branches of the public service during the interval which must elapse before the Estimates for the year can be considered by the new Parliament, which Her Majesty will direct to be immediately called.

"My Lords and Gentlemen,

"Her Majesty commands us to inform you that the appeal which she is about to make to her people has been rendered necessary by the difficulties experienced in carrying on the public business of the country, as indicated by the fact, that within little

more than a year two successive Administrations have failed to retain the confidence of the House of Commons; and Her Majesty prays that, under the blessing of Divine Providence, the step which she is about to take may have the effect of facilitating the discharge of her high functions, and of enabling her to conduct the Government of the country under the advice of a Ministry possessed of the confidence of her Parliament and her people."

The Lord Chancellor then declared the Parliament to be prorogued until the 5th of May. On the 23rd April, however, the official notice by which the Parliament was dissolved appeared in the Gazette, and the new writs were on the same evening sent out to the various constituencies.