benefits of the then existing state of things to The United States, for nearly a twelve-month longer than they would otherwise have enjoyed it. That continuance was permitted by the British Government, mainly in consideration of the then pendency in the Legislature of The United States, of the Resolution herein before mentioned, for conforming to the conditions of the Act of 1825. Immediately upon the receipt of authentick Intelligence of these proceedings at Washington, an Instruction was sent out to Mr. Vaughan, grounded on the belief of the British Government, that Congress would not separate without adopting the Resolution then under their consideration. In that case, and upon receiving an assurance from the American Government that the Restrictions and Charges on British Shipping, and British Colonial Produce, would be withdrawn by The United States, Mr. Vaughan was authorized to deliver a Note to the American Secretary of State, declaring-that the discriminating Duties imposed upon American Ships and their Cargoes in the West Indies should immediately cease. Mr. Vaughan was actually in possession of this Instruction, when the Resolution, on the assumed adoption of which the Instruction to Mr. Vaughan had been founded, was rejected. It was no part of Mr. Vaughan's duty to make any Communication upon the subject to the American Government before the result of the Discussion was ascertained. After that result, (wholly unexpected in this Country), any such Communication would have been not only useless, but might, perhaps, have been considered as an improper appeal against the formal decision of the American Legislature. That Mr. Vaughan should not afterwards have been authorized to enter into any discussion of the Provisions of the Act of 1825, “ SO late as October last," is not surprising, when it is considered that Mr. Vaughan, immediately after the close of the Session of Congress, was instructed to announce the intention of His Majesty's Government to pass the Order in Council of July (consequent upon the decision of the American Legislature) by which the terms of the Act of 1825 were virtually declined. Mr. Gallatin accounts for the rejection of the Resolution, proposed to the American Legislature, by the persuasion, which, he says, the Government of The United States entertained, that the Negotiation on the Subject of the Commercial Intercourse between The United States and the British West India Colonies, would be renewed. The Undersigned is at a loss to understand on what ground it was assumed at Washington, that there would be, at all times, an unabated disposition on the part of the British Government to make the Trade of its West India Colonies the subject of Diplomatick Arrangement. The circumstances of the case were entirely changed. Repeated Negotiation had failed to produce any material approximation of opinions upon that subject. The last attempt at an adjustment had been made, with an evident conviction on both sides, that there existed between them an unconquerable difference of principle, and that it was by that difference, rather than by any decided irreconcileableness of interests, that a satisfactory arrangement was rendered hopeless. The nature of that difference has been sufficiently discussed; it lies in the determination of The United States to dispute, and in that of Great Britain to maintain, the established distinction between General and Colonial Trade. Great Britain had, therefore, an obvious motive for doing thenceforward whatever she might think it right to do, in relaxation of her Colonial System, rather by the instrumentality of her own Legislature than by compact with a State, with which she disagreed iu opinion, as to the principles of Colonial Trade, so widely, that it would have been impossible to construct a Preamble to a Treaty on that Subject, in the enunciations of which the two Contracting Parties should have concurred. But there was yet another reason for avoiding further Negotiations upon the subject. Hitherto, when the Trade with the British West India Colonies had been opened at all, it had been opened chiefly, though not exclusively, to The United States. To no other Country had it been opened by specifick and positive Convention. But a time had now arrived, when, from motives of general policy, Great Britain thought it advisable to allow access to her Colonies to all Foreign Powers, without exception, on conditions tendered alike to all. Such indiscriminate opening could only be effected by some process common to all those who were permitted or invited to take advantage of it; impartiality was thus maintained towards all Parties, and the power of controul over her own Colonies, was at the same time retained in the hands of the Mother Country. The Undersigned believes that he has now touched on every topick in the last Note addressed to him by Mr. Gallatin, to which he had not had occasion to advert in former stages of their Correspondence. He will not allow himself to be drawn again into a discussion of topicks, already more than sufficiently debated. The Undersigned trusts that it is unnecessary for him, in concluding this Note, to return to Mr. Gallatin's assurances of the friendly disposition of The United States of America-assurances equally sincere, that there is the most cordial desire, on the part of Great Britain, to cultivate the friendship of The United States. The ties of common origin, laws, and language, must always form strong bonds of National Alliance between them. Their respective interests, well understood, harmonize together as much as their feelings. But it has never yet been held a duty of international amity (any more than of friendship in private life) to submit to unequal compacts. Nor has it even been held an offence against such duty that a Nation (any more than an Individual) should decline to make uncompensated sacrifices. Between two Nations, as between two Individuals, most friendly to each other, there may sometimes happen, unfortunately, to exist some known subject of incurable difference of opinion. In any such case it is perhaps most advisable to keep that subject as much as possible out of sight, and to take care that it shall not interfere with the tenour of their general intercourse and of their habitual relations. The refusal to regulate the Trade of our Colonies by a Commercial Treaty, which the British Government may think (even if erroneously) disadvantageous to its interests, cannot give just cause of offence to any Power whatever. In the present instance the Undersigned is most happy to be able to qualify such refusal with the declaration, that it is not in any degree dictated by sentiments, either unfriendly or disrespectful to The United States, or by any indifference to the amicable settlement of all other Questions at present pending between them and Great Britain. Of these Questions, one has been already happily arranged since Mr. Gallatin's arrival in this Country. The Undersigned looks forward with confidence, no less than with anxiety, to such an arrangement of the remainder, as, effacing all traces of past Discussions, and satisfying all fair and reasonable pretensions on both sides, may secure for a long period of Years to come, reciprocal good understanding and good will between two kindred Nations. The Undersigned has the honour, &c. Albert Gallatin, Esq. GEORGE CANNING. DOCUMENTS accompanying the Message of the President of The United States to Congress, at the commencement of the Second Session of the Nineteenth Congress. December 5, 1826. Documents from the Department of State relative to Colonial Trade. 1822 to 1826. LIST OF PAPERS. Washington, 25th Oct. 1. Mr. S. Canning to Mr. Adams (b) Statement of British Brig Ceres ...... 5. Mr. S. Canning to Mr. Adams ...Washington, 18th Dec. 6. Mr. S. Canning to Mr. Adams .... Inclosures.-(a) Collector of Halifax 7. Mr. Adams to Mr. S. Canning 8. Mr. S. Canning to Mr. Adams .... 21st Oct. Washington, 13th Jan. 513 513 (b) Governor of St. Christopher's. .Washington, 18th Jan. 1823. 514 Remarks on a Bill to regulate the Commercial Intercourse, &c................ 515 517 9. Memorandum, communicated by do. to do........................ 10. Mr. Adams to Mr. Rush....... Department of State, 23d June Inclosures.-(a) Mr. S. Canning to Mr. Adams... 27th March (b) Mr. Adams to Mr. S. Canning... 8th April (c) Mr. S. Canning to Mr. Adams... 10th do. (d) Mr. Adams to Mr. S. Canning... 14th May (e) Mr. S. Canning to Mr. Adams... 17th do. Washington, 26th June London, 12th Aug. 1824. 549 567 15. Mr. King to Mr. Clay .......Cheltenham, London, Aug. Sept. 1825. 577 16. Mr. Clay to Mr. Gallatin ...Washington, 19th June 1826. 579 7th Sept. 1823. 574 .Washington, 11th Nov. 577 18. Mr. Sec2. Canning to Mr. Gallatin........ London, 11th Sept. 19. Mr. Gallatin to Mr. Clay London, 22d do. Inclosure.-Mr. Gallatin to Mr. Sccy Canning.....do. 20. Mr. Vaughan to Mr. Clay 21. Mr. Clay to Mr. Vaughan 22. Mr. Clay to Mr. Vaughan 23. Mr. Vaughan to Mr. Clay 24. Mr. Clay to Mr. Gallatin SIR, .... Washington, 28th do. (1.)-Mr. S. Canning to Mr. Adams. - 584 585 588 - 589 589 Washington, October 25, 1822. A LETTER addressed by the Comptroller of The United States' Treasury to the Collectors and other officers of the Customs, for the purpose, in part, of explaining under what modifications the President's Proclamation, by which the Ports of The United States have been declared open to British Vessels arriving from His Majesty's Colonies in North America and the West Indies, is to be understood as going into operation, has lately been pressed upon my notice by several of His Majesty's Consuls. The Letter in question is dated the 14th of last month, and has since been printed in the public journals. On examining its contents I have found that it describes British Vessels, entering the harbours of The United States, in virtue of the above mentioned Proclamation, as liable to a duty of one dollar per ton, for tonnage and light money, and their cargoes as liable to the discriminating duty of ten per cent., which is levied on goods imported in Foreign Vessels not privileged by Treaty. I have also observed, that according to the tenor of the Comptroller's Letter, the Vessels of either Country, trading between the Ports of The United States and such of His Majesty's Colonies as the President's Proclamation enumerates, are restricted, when coming from the West Indies, to the importation of articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture, of the West Indian Colonies, and to the importation of articles, the growth, produce, and manufacture, of the North American Colonies, in the case of such Vessels having cleared out from any of the specified Ports in that quarter. This restriction, and the extraordinary duties imposed upon British Vessels and their cargoes, in pursuance of the Comptroller's Letter, appear to my understanding so much at variance with the spirit and intention of the Act of Parliament by which the newly opened trade is regulated, and to answer indeed so imperfectly to the leading principle set forth in the Act of Congress, on which the President's Proclamation is grounded, that I esteem it an indispensable duty to anticipate the special instructions of my Government, by soliciting your immediate attention to the subject. In the Act of Parliament, passed during the late Session, entitled, "An Act to regulate the trade between His Majesty's Possessions in America and the West Indies, and other places in America and the |