ÆäÀÌÁö À̹ÌÁö
PDF
ePub

were disarmed, the fortifications strengthened by palisades, tyranny and injustice; they proclaimed their entire indeand every means of defence resorted to.

pendence, and ordered a levy of twenty thousand men.

But in October the patriots of Breda surprised the forts Trautmansdorff now hastened to conciliate in earnest. of Lillo and Liefenskoeck, on the Scheldt. Dalton dis. He issued two-and-twenty separate proclamations, made patched general Schröder with a strong force, who re-took all kinds of fair promises, restored the arms of the citizens, the forts; but on Schröder's venturing to enter Turn- and liberated the imprisoned patriots. But it was too hout, after the insurgents, a body of three thousand of late. The insurgents, under Vander Mersch, were fast them, under Vander Mersch, armed with pitchforks, advancing towards Brussels, and Dalton marched out to bludgeons, and staves, attacked and drove him out. Ge- meet them; but he was confounded by the appearance of neral Bender, who had been dispatched against the insur- their numbers, and entered into an armistice of ten

[graphic][merged small]

gents at Tirlemont, was driven out in the same manner. General Arberg was compelled to retreat behind the Scheldt, and the people were victorious in Louvaine, Ghent, Bruges, Ostend, and most towns of the district. Both Joseph and his governor and commander in the Netherlands now fell into the utmost alarm. The news which Marie Antoinette sent from Paris to her imperial brother, only rendered this consternation the greater. Joseph, with that sudden revulsion which he had manifested on other occasions, after equally astonishing rashness, now issued a conciliatory proclamation, offering to redress all grievances on the condition of their laying down their arms. But the Netherlanders were not likely after former experience to trust any such promises of Joseph. On the 20th of November the states of Flanders assumed the title of the High and Mighty States; they declared the emperor to have forfeited the crown by

days. But this did not stop the progress of insurrection in Brussels. There the people rose, and resolved to open the gates to their compatriots without. The women and children tore up the palisades, and leveled the entrenci ments. The population assumed the national cockade and the streets resounded with the cries of "Long live the patriots!" "Long live Vander Noot!" Dalton retreated into Brussels, but found no security there. The soldiers began to desert. The people attacked those who stood te their colours, and Dalton was glad to secure his retreat by a capitulation. In a few days the insurgents from Breda entered, Trautmansdorff having withdrawn at their ap proach, and the new federal union of the Netherlands was completely established. The state of Luxemburg was the only one yet remaining to Joseph, and thither Dalton retired with his forces, five thousand in number.

[graphic][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed][subsumed]

But Joseph did not live to see the full extent of the alienation of the Netherlands. He had dispatched count Cobenzel to Brussels on the failure of Trautmansdorff's efforts. Cobenzel was an able diplomatist, but all his offers were treated with indifference. On the last day of 1789 the states of Brabant, in presence of the citizens of Brussels, swore to stand by their new freedom-an act which was received by the acclamations of the assembled crowds. They soon after ratified their league with the other states, and were in active negotiation with the revolutionists of France for mutual defence. On the 20th of February Joseph expired, leaving a prospect full of troubles to his brother Leopold, the new emperor.

CHAPTER XII.

THE REIGN OF GEORGE III-(Continued.)

who preached up the equality of the human race, had broken through their ancient subserviency, and were palling down all the old constituted powers, all ranks and distinctions, with a rapidity and a ferocity which electrified the whole world. They had destroyed the great state prison, the Bastille; they had brought the king and queen in triumph from Versailles to Paris, where they kept them in the palace of the Tuileries as mere state prisoners, and, by the agency of the National Assembly, were proceeding to still more startling deeds. Already they had decreed that orders and titles of nobility should cease; already they had compelled the nobles and the dignified clergy to take their places in the assembly with the commons; already they had confiscated the property of the clergy, and the plate of the churches— had abolished the old divisions of the kingdom into provinces, and divided France into eighty departments. They had taken from the king the title of the "King of France."

OUTBREAK OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION-The Causes of this Revolution long and given him that of the "King of the French," preparatory

accumulating in the History of France-Various preceding Revolutions in France, all having the same Bloody and ferocious Character, though less in degree―The Elements of this mingled Levity and Ferocity inherent in the French Nature-Age of Louis XIV.-Its Licentious Tyranny, and sanguinary Repression of Religious Progress-Extermination of Protest

antism-Consequent universal ascendancy of Priestcraft and Ignorance
-The Regency-Louis XV.-Louis XVI. and his Family-Ministry of

De Brienne-Bed of Justice-Duke of Orleans banished-Returns —
Assembly of Notables-Cour Plenière-Resignation of De Brienne, and

Ministry of Necker-Proposes the Meeting of the States-General-Un

popularity of the Queen-License of the Press-Assembly of StatesGeneral-Tiers Etat double in number to the other Orders-Refuses to act till the other Orders sit with it-The Aristocracy and Clergy compelled to join the Tiers Etat-The National Assembly-Its Proceedings

Burning of Reveillon's Manufactory-Duke of Orleans, Lafayette, Mirabeau, Necker &c.-Conduct of the National Assembly and of Parisian Mob-Necker resigns-Conflict betwixt the People and Soldiery-Seduction of Gardes-Françoises-National Cockade-The Bastille taken-King goes to the Assembly-Necker recalled-More Bloodshed-Destruction of Privileges-Rights of Man-Proceedings at Versailles-Arrival of the Mob-Attempt to assassinate the Queen-The Royal Family compelled to go to Paris-The Jacobin Club-Proceedings at the Chatelet-Famine, Riots, Law against Tumults-New Division of the Kingdom-Abolition of Parliament-Lettres de Cachet-Armorial Bearings, Titles, Liveries, &c., abolished —Suppression of Monasteries and Seizure of the Property of the Clergy-Other Reforms-Commotions in the Provinces-Execu

tion of Favras-Issue of Assignats-Views of the French Revolution in England-Burke denounces it-Admiration of it by Fox, Priestley, Price, &c.—Proceedings in the English Parliament-Differences with Spain regarding Nootka Sound - Slavery Question-Hastings' Trial - Irish Affairs-War in Belgium with the Austrians, in Turkey with Russia

General Swearing in Paris to maintain the New Constitution-Danton, Desmoulins, and other Paris Democrats-Proceedings of the National Assembly-Abbé Maury defends Church Property-Anacharsis ClootzThe Fête of the Federation in the Champs de Mars-Marat-The Moderates attempt to put Limits to the Revolution-The Royal Family seek for Flight-Interview of the Queen with Mirabeau at St. Cloud-Charges against the Duke of Orleans and Mirabeau-Revolt of the Troops at Nancy against the Assembly -Suppressed by Bouillé-Necker resignsAtrocious Writings of the Jacobins, Marat, Danton, Carra, Desmoulins, &c.—Federation of the Friends of Truth-Growing Ascendancy of Marat and Robespierre-Suppression of the Insurrection in Belgium-War in

India with Tippoo Sahib-Proceedings in the British Parliament.

Ar the period at which we are now arrived, France was in a state of the wildest and most awful convulsion. A revolution had broken out, more terrible and furious than had ever yet appeared in the history of nations. The French people, so long trodden down by their princes, their aristocracy, and their clergy, and reduced to a condition of wretchedness and of ignorant brutality, almost unparalleled, seizing the opportunity of the distresses of the impoverished government, and encouraged by a new race of philosophers,

to leaving him neither a crown nor a head to wear it. To enable the reader to comprehend, in some degree, the causes of this fierce and frightful phenomenon, we must take a brief retrospective glance at the past history and constitution of France, and at the character of the people.

The French people had, through their whole history, never acquired any constitutional liberty. We have seen how, in our own country, the commons had gradually assumed a substantial place in the legislative life of the nation. Rising steadily and strongly, the commons of England have, indeel, become the chief power in the state. In the house of commons, all the great questions of reform and enfranchisment have arisen, and there chiefly been fought out. Durin the commonwealth, the commons completely extinguished the house of peers and the crown. After that, though the nobl managed to reintroduce royalty, the commons, uniting wit the peers, drove out the monarch who would have destroyi the popular liberties, and fixed the general freedoin on a n and firmer basis by the Bill of Rights. Since then, th freedom, the power, and the wealth of the mass of th nation have been constantly augmenting under the protec tion of these great constitutional guarantees.

But very different was the case in France. The Frenc people are, for the most part, a Celtic race. With th exception of the people of Normandy, and a certain infusi of German blood through the Franks, they are almo wholly of the Celtic family, lively, excitable, prone to fits c terrible cruelty and massacre, but wholly, so far as th history yet demonstrates, incapable of self-government, as: therefore of the maintenance of social and political indpendence. Though the names of states-generals and parliaments present themselves in French history, the peop up to the time of the Revolution of 1789, had little or r concern in them. It was only in the states-general that the tiers état, or commons, appeared at all, and there such a humble and equivocal shape as to give them no r influence. Their business was to vote money, and not legislate. The power of the crown, indeed, far surpass the power of the states-general in their collective capa...”. and they were rarely called together except to sanction = extraordinary measures which the difficulties of the s reign rendered necessary for them.

A.D. 1789.]

HISTORY OF STATES-GENERAL AND PARLIAMENTS IN FRANCE.

The very earliest even of these states-general took place only in 1302; and then, instead of having their separate houses, like our parliament, they all sate together, thus giving the two orders of the nobility and clergy the prevalence over the commons. Still the commons did not omit to seize favourable opportunities to demand redress of grievances, and the concession of just rights; but they never displayed the solid and temperate spirit of the English commons, which would have enabled them to gain permanently their object; but they fell to butchering and massacreing the upper classes, and continually lost everything again.

Thus, when the dauphin, after the battle of Poictiers, which left king John a prisoner in the hands of the English, called the states-general together to demand moneys for the ransom of his father, and for the relief of the humbled government, the states demanded a full redress of grievances before granting the supplies. These must have been conceded, and the grievances were enormous; but the states fell to quarrelling and massacreing each other, and the dauphin was compelled to dismiss them. In dismissing them, however, he could not dismiss his necessities; and, on calling them together in the spring of 1357, the demands were renewed and complied with. But, as was the case in the great revolution which we are about to narrate, this excitable people did not know where to stop. Instead of being satisfied with its proper advantages, its leaders in the states, Stephen Marcel, the Prevôt des Marchands, and Robert le Coq, made the most unwarrantable attempts on the rights of the nobles and of the crown. These were resisted, and led to the most sanguinary massacres and conflicts. Marcel formed a league with the king of Navarre, who would fain have snatched the government from his brother-in-law, the dauphin, murdered two of the courtiers in the very presence of the dauphin, and, seizing the person of the dauphin, exhibited him as a prisoner to the exulting mob of Paris. Marcel took possession of the palace of the Louvre, but was Boon after butchered himself; and these events introduced that terrible condition of anarchy called the Jacquerie, in which the people, both in town and country, rose against the upper classes, and massacred their lords and their families with unheard of atrocities, burnt their mansions, and ravaged their estates, in their turn to be attacked, hunted down, and exterminated by the aristocracy.

Similar scenes were enacted in 1380, twenty-two years later, when Charles VI. was a minor, and his uncles called together the states-general. The same demands of redress were made, and in part conceded; but the same bloody fury again possessed them, and the Maillotins, or Malleters, of Paris, who beat out people's brains with wooden clubs; and the Tuchins, or peasants, in the country, committed the most frightful massacres. Again in 1413, the statesEneral being called together when Charles VI. was afflicted with insanity, the people, instead of securing their privileges by firmness and wisdom, broke out under Catoche, a butcher; and, under the name of Catochiens, insisted, amidst blood and rapine, on domineering over the aristocracy and crown. The country, at the same time, was rent to pieces by the factions of the Bourguignons and Armagnacs; and, such was the general anarchy and horror, that our Henry V.

417

justified his invasion of France by exclaiming, “God has led me hither by the hand to punish the sins of this land, and to reign in it like a king. There is now no king, no government, no law in France!"

Charles VIII., in 1483, assembled the states-general at Tours, and there introduced the innovation of resolving the three orders, not into three chambers, but into six nations, according to the original nations of Old France. In these nations, however, the three orders continued to sit together. In 1558 Henry II. introduced a fourth estate into the statesgeneral, called L'Etat de la Justice, the members of it consisting of the chief magistracy of the country. The last time that a states-general was convened previous to that of 1789, was by Louis XIII.; but this monarch took care that the people should derive no benefit from their assembling. The moment they prepared to present demands of reform, he dismissed them, and Louis XIV. never called them together at all. He declared, "L'etat c'est moi!" "I am the state;" and he and his successors ruled as they pleased, only making a show of consulting parliaments.

These parliaments-which appear only first to have been introduced by Louis IX., in the thirteenth century— did not include a representation of the people at all. The members were merely summoned by the crown at its own dictation and discretion, and were originally almost entirely selected from the clergy. By degrees, the clergy gave way to lawyers, and the parlement was, in fact, merely a more extensive royal council, the chief business of which was to register the royal decrees. Some of these decrees were amongst the most disgraceful facts in French history. The parliament of Paris registered the edict establishing the inquisition, and those which condemned to death, as Protestants, Anne du Bourg and admiral Coligny, which sanctioned the revocation of the edict of Nantes, and the massacre of St. Bartholemew. When a weak monarch or a woman was at the head of government, these parliaments often became very presuming and refractory, and then what were called lits de justice and séances royales were resorted to, in order to compel them to obedience. special visitations of the parliaments by the sovereign, attended by the princes of the blood, the peers of the realm, and the chief of the clergy, including cardinals, archbishops, and bishops, besides the great officers of the state-altogether a great and imposing train-supported by whom, the king compelled the parliament to register the decrees which he had submitted to them. Such monarchs as Louis XIV., however, had no need of lits de justice-his word was enough; and, on one occasion, hearing, whilst hunting at Vincennes, that the parliament hesitated to register some edict or other, he rode off to Paris, and, entering their chamber in his boots and spurs, and with his hunting-dress on, and his hunting-knife at his side, put an end to their deliberations. Louis XV., who had not the vigour of his predecessor, was compelled twice to banish them; but Louis XVI, recalled them, and found them tolerably submissive till 1785.

There were

Besides the states-general of Paris and the parliament of Paris, there were also provincial states-general and provincial parliaments; and there was also what was called the assembly of notables. This body was only called together on rare occasions, in crises of particular embarrassment.

They were, as the name implies, "men of note" and distinction for rank, ability, and wisdom, who were called together as a temporary council, to offer their advice to the crown, but possessing no legislative or executive functions. Such an assembly appears only to have been summoned from time to time in the history of France, previously to 1789namely, in 1558 and 1596, in 1617 and 1626. This concise sketch of the legislative and governmental institutions of France may enable the reader to comprehend the events which were now taking place in 1789.

The reigning monarch, Louis XVI., was a very amiable and well-disposed monarch, weak and yielding in character, but who, under a constitution like that of England, might have lived and died a beloved and popular prince. He was of a domestic and unambitious character, fond of mechanic arts, and an excellent locksmith, but by no means understanding how to restore the disordered mechanism of his government and kingdom. He had married Marie Antoinette, the daughter of the great Maria Theresa of Austria, and sister to Joseph II., a princess of great beauty and accomplishments, of most engaging manners, but with a love of gaiety and pleasure which, amid a people suffering the intensest misery, led to suspicions of her virtue, which were, there is every reason to believe, most unfounded, but, at that crisis, most fatal.

Louis XVI. had inherited a kingdom crushed under the maladministrations, the corruptions, and the wild military ambition of ages. The people, possessing no real voice in the legislature, and incapable, from their ignorance and impetuosity, of prudently obtaining one when circumstances put it within their reach, were reduced to a condition of wretchedness and demoralisation inconceivable. No man had done more to produce this result than Louis XIV., Le Grande Monarque, as the French, in their foolish vanity, delighted to style him. By endeavouring to exterminate protestantism, not only in France but throughout Europe, and surrounded only by cardinals and priests, he had driven from his own territories and from the Netherlands thousands of weavers and other artificers, with their trades, to increase the wealth and glory of free England. He had involved himself in wars with England, Holland, and Germany, which for awhile were successful, and witnessed with acclamation by his people, but which, through the exertions of William of Orange, of Marlborough, and Eugène, eventually overwhelmed France with ruin, poverty, and misery incalculable. This heritage of woe descended to his successors, and was only increased by the crimes and follies of the profligate regent Orleans and the feeble sway of Louis XV. It went down with a tenfold force from the moral depravity and mental darkness which Le Grand Monarque had perpetuated by his suppression of all freedom of religious inquiry. We have had to relate the terrible dragonades by which he sought to massacre the whole race of protestants, under the name of Huguenots, and especially his frightful extermination of the Cevennois, whom, for years, he pursued with sixty thousand soldiers, under the command of Marshal Villars and others of his ablest generals. Had protestantism been permitted to take its natural course, it would undoubtedly so have enlightened, ennobled, and tempered the French people, that no such

scene of diabolical fury and carnage as the Revolution of 1789 could ever have taken place. But all real and active religious inquiry and influence were crushed. There remained a nominal hierarchy, administering the outward rites of the Romish church, but perpetuating the moral darkness of the people as a system. The nobility and the clergy possessed all the property, and power, and privilege in the country, and the people sank lower and lower in indigence and vice, till it was clear that nothing but some terrific tempest of human passion and vengeance could clear the land of its miseries and tyrannies.

Thiers has presented us with the following picture of the condition of France at the commencement of the great crisis:-"This condition, both political and economical, was intolerable. There was nothing but privilege-privileges invested in individuals, in classes, in towns, in provinces, and even in trades and professions. Everything contributed to check industry and the natural genius of man. All the dignities of the state, civil, ecclesiastical, and military, were exclusively reserved to certain classes, and in those classes to certain individuals. No man could take up a profession without certain titles and a compliance with certain pecuniary conditions. Even the graces and favours of the crown were converted into family property, so that the king could scarcely exercise his own judgment, or give any preference. Almost the only liberty left to the sovereign was that of making pecuniary gifts; and he had been reduced to the necessity of disputing with the duke of Coigny for the abolition of a useless place. Everything, then, was made immovable property in the hands of a few, and everywhere these few resisted the many who had been despoiled. Th burdens of the state weighed on one class only. The noble se and the clergy possessed about two-thirds of the landed property; the other third, possessed by the people, paid taxes to the king, a long list of feudal droits to the noblesse, tithe to the clergy, and had, moreover, to support the devastations committed by the noble sportsmen and by their game. Th taxes upon consumption pressed upon the great multitude, and consequently upon the people. The collection of these imposts was managed in an unfair and irritating manner: the seigneurs, or lords of the soil, left long arrears with unpunity; but the people, upon any delay in paying, wer harshly treated, arrested, and condemned to pay in thi persons, in default of money or produce. The people, therefore, nourished with their labour and defended with the blood the higher classes of society, without being able 1. procure a comfortable subsistence for themselves. The boatgeoisie, or towns-people, or body of citizens, industrior, educated, less miserable than the people, could, nevertheles obtain none of the advantages to which they had a nigaa to aspire, seeing it was their industry that enriched, a their talents that adorned the kingdom. Public just. administered in some provinces by seigneurs, in the roy jurisdiction by magistrates, who bought their places, w slow, often partial, always ruinously expensive, and, abov all, atrocious in criminal proceedings. Personal liberty wa violated by lettres de cachet, the liberty of the press !: royal censors."

The people, thus oppressed through long ages, ground La the dust, plunged in the grossest ignorance by neglect,

« ÀÌÀü°è¼Ó »