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invade France, and that the royalists had collected sixty pieces of cannon into Paris, simultaneously with a movement on the frontiers, to break open the prison doors, and release all the aristocrats and priests, when there would be a general massacre of the people. He reiterated these falsehoods in the journal, again and again declaring that the Feuillant club, the Barnaves, Lameths, the queen, the princess Lamballe-who had, fatally for herself, again returned to Paris-Narbonne, the minister at war, and his mistress, Madame de Staël, were all deep in the plot. The other journals joined in these cries, thus preparing the people for the bloody scenes of the following September in the prisons of Paris.

That excitable city was now in a condition of riot from the scarcity and consequent dearness of sugar and coffee. The great French colony which furnished the bulk of these articles was in open rebellion on the part of the negroes, who grew the articles, in consequence of the teachings of the declaration of the "Rights of Man," which Brissot had sent thither, for which he had been applauded by La Fayette, Condorcet, the abbé Raynal, and the other members of the society of the friends of the blacks. Two hundred thousand slaves, at this unexpected proclamation, rose to demand their liberty. The mulattoes, who were free, but without the privileges of citizens, and felt themselves despised by the whites, their fathers, put themselves at the head of the blacks. Ogé, a mulatto, who had been in Europe to plead the cause of the half-castes, and had been in communication with Clarkson and Wilberforce in England, with Barnave and others in France, put himself, with two hundred mulattoes, at the head of the blacks. He was defeated, taken, imprisoned, tortured, and put to death. He died on the wheel, and his mutilated carcase was left on the highway. The mulattoes swore a terrible revenge. In one night they led on sixty thousand slaves to the massacre of their masters. Within a circuit of six leagues, they burnt down every plantation, and murdered men, women, and children. The outrages of centuries were repaid in a few hours, and that with tortures and abominations still more appalling than they themselves had suffered. They became the masters of a great part of the island, and, by the destruction of the plantations, and the black population now wielding guns and swords instead of hoes, the produce of coffee and sugar was for a time at an end. A fierce outcry arose in the faubourgs, and that of St. Antoine marched in a body to the national assembly on the 26th of January, demanding their coffee and sugar. With the constant practice of mobs, they did not perceive the true cause of the deficiency—the destruction of the plantations, and the cessation of labour amongst the slaves, now, like themselves, enjoying the rights of man-but they attributed the dearth of sugar and coffee to the conspirators, forestallers, and monopolisers, and demanded "Death to them all!" The assembly was helpless, and the jacobin club discussed the same topic, and swore to abandon the use of these articles. But they were in a very ill humour over their new abstinence, and Manuel, the introducer of the motion on this subject, fell all the more bitterly on the emigrant priests and nobles, and on the king, who, he declared, was in league with them, protesting that he ought not to reign,

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nor even to live, and he wrote a letter to poor Louis in the same deadly strain.

Brissot and the Gironde maintained a determined war on the king's ministers, as men not to be trusted with the affairs of the country in the approaching crisis. The ministers were at strife amongst themselves. Bertrand de Molleville was jealous of the popularity of Narbonne; Narbonne complained, not only of the conduct of Molleville to him, but of his unconstitutional sentiments, and implored the king to dismiss him. Molleville and his party, on the other hand, represented the popularity of Narbonne as dangerous, and that he was aiming at governing the whole cabinet. The king was inclined to dismiss Narbonne rather than Molleville. Brissot and the Girondists raised a loud cry in favour of Narbonne, and the generals of the three divisions of the army wrote a letter to the king, deprecating his dismissal. The king, looking on this as dictation, dis、 missed Narbonne at once. The assembly was greatly excited, and declared that Narbonne had retired with its full confidence. In this state of growing exasperation, Herault de Sechelles denounced Molleville as guilty of various crimes, and the assembly called on the king to dismiss him. Louis complied, for he did not dare refuse. Two days after, Brissot denounced De Lessart, the foreign minister, for having professed unconstitutional doctrines in his correspondence; and for having given Kaunitz, the Austrian minister, a false notion of the state of France. Vergniaud followed up the attack, for the Girondists were resolved to drive the ministry from office, and force their own men into their places-thus securing the government of the country. Vergniaud accused De Lessart of having delayed, when minister of the interior, the union of Avignon to France, and of having thus occasioned a horrible massacre, which had taken place there in August, 1791. In that city the secretary, Lescuyer, had been murdered by the mob. A band of volunteers had united themselves with a band of plunderers and assassins. At their head was that ruffian butcher, Jourdan, called "Coupe-tête," who had plucked out the hearts of Foulon and Berthier, before the Hôtel de Ville, in Paris, in 1789, and who had cut off the heads of two of the body-guards at Versailles, on the 6th of October, and stuck them on pikes, reproaching the people that they had let him decapitate only two! This monster and his accomplices had, on the 30th of August, closed the gates of Avignon, broken into the houses of the citizens, and committed a frightful massacre of men, women, and children, attended by the most scandalous indignities to the women. They had done all this as taking vengeance on persons whom they deemed enemies to the revolution. The assembly professed to be horrified at the details of these atrocities; the president fainted whilst reading them; yet the jacobins protected the fiend, and he was permitted to return to Avignon to avenge himself of his accusers.

These crimes, which the Gironde had not the vigour or the virtue to expiate with the blood of the arch-murderer, they now piled on the head of De Lessart, who was totally innocent of them. A decree of accusation was passed against him, and he was consigned to the prison of Versailles for trial before the high court established at Orleans; but his trial not coming on in September, he was massacred

by the mob in the general carnage which then took place.

against Russia. He saw the Polish leaders ruined by discord; he saw the Russians prevail, and he quitted the country, Louis was deeply affected at this treatment of a minister despairing for ever of an aristocracy without a people, of whom he esteemed for his moderate and pacific sentiments. a kingdom which he called "The Asiatic nation." At the Duport-Dutertre and Cahier de Gerville, the other ministers, outbreak of the French revolution he joined the revoluresigned, in terror of a like fate, and the king was left at tionists, having himself been a prisoner in the Bastille, and the mercy of the Gironde. General Dumouriez, whom we he contrived to conciliate all parties, foreseeing that in such have seen assisting Gensonné in the commission to La a state of things war must come, and generals would be Vendée, obtained the post of minister for foreign affairs. wanted. He had courage for anything; he was extremely Charies François Dumouriez was born at Cambray in 1739, | fascinating in his manners; and, with a certain looseness of

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and, consequently, was now in his fifty-third year. He had led a life of adventure; he had fought bravely in the German wars; he had played a questionable part in the events which made over Corsica to France; he had been sent by Louis XV. into Poland to support the Polesthough not as the avowed agent of France, but, as it were, an adventurer on his own account-against their enemies, Russia, Prussia, and Austria. He found the Poles debased by misery, slavery, and the custom of bearing a foreign yoke. He found the Polish aristocracy corrupted by luxury, enervated by pleasures. He fought bravely but vainly

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Dumouriez not the less continued to conciliate Robespierre, to see the minister, I can never get a glimpse of anything but and to attend at the jacobin club.

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the petticoats of his wife." Notwithstanding all her caution, however, the feeling of the king's honest intentions spread amongst the members of the Gironde, and Guadet, Gensonné, and Vergniaud were soon in correspondence with him.

Dumouriez saw at a glance that madame Roland was the soul and intellect of the Gironde party, and he paid all court to her. He affected to be the humble servant of the coterie; and, accustomed to compliment women, he endea- As for Dumouriez, he showed himself a courtier amongst voured to win the full confidence of madame Roland; but the courtiers. He had none of the starch preciseness of his there he failed. Her keen glance read his real character, colleagues. His business was, after a long career of advenand she felt at once that he was too able and too ambitious tures with little profit or promotion, to make himself a to remain long a subordinate. "Have an eye to that man,' name and a position; and when the courtiers laughed at she said to her husband; "there is a master concealed the "sans-culotte " ministers, Dumouriez laughed too, and under that smiling exterior." The Girondists had intro- | returned joke for joke. The king, like every one else who duced Dumouriez to De Grave; De Grave introduced him to the king. When the assembly had accused De Lessart, and handed him over to the high national court, Louis offered Dumouriez the post of foreign affairs till De Lessart should prove his innocence and be restored. But Dumouriez was too experienced a diplomatist; he refused the office pro tempore. The king was pressed by circumstances, and conferred it upon him permanently.

war.

Petion, Gensonné, and Brissot were consulted respecting the completion of the ministry. Louvet was strongly recommended by the Rolands as minister of justice; but Robespierre, whom he had totally opposed, immediately denounced him, and it was not deemed prudent to rouse still more the wrath of that man, now every day becoming more and more the idol of the people. Duranthon, advocate of Bourdeaux, but a weak man, was introduced into that post, and De Grave succeeded Narbonne as minister at Clavieres, a deaf stockbroker, from Geneva, and formerly an opponent of Necker, was made minister of finance, Lacoste of marine, and finally, Roland was selected as minister of the interior. Not one of the most brilliant men of the Gironde was included in this ministry, except Dumouriez. Roland was distinguished rather by his republican gravity than anything else; the rest were remarkable only for their insignificance. The courtiers dubbed them "The Sans-Culotte Cabinet." Roland, on presenting himself at court, appeared, as usual, in his round hat, and with strings in his shoes; for both he and the main part of the Girondists affected a sort of republican simplicity. The master of the ceremonies, who did not know who he was, refused to admit him, till it was explained that he was minister of the interior. The astonished master observed to Dumouriez, who entered next, "Ah, sir, no buckles in his shoes!" to which Dumouriez replied, with affected amazement, "Ah, sir, all is lost!"

Scarcely had these republicans seen and conversed with Louis, when they found him a different man to what party spirit had represented him, and, like Barnave, began to respect him. Madame Roland, who was not under the same influences, as she did not see the king daily, like the ministers, was alarmed lest they should all become royalists; and she had to labour hard to impress upon honest Roland that Louis was not to be trusted, and that the courtiers would impose on him, who was, she said, too virtuous for a courtier. Madame Roland, in fact, was the minister of the interior; Roland was her automaton. So completely did she keep at his elbow and regulate everything, that even Condorcet, one of their own party, observed, "When I wish

conversed with him, except madame Roland, was soon pleased with him, and, from his representations, the queen wished to see him. At first, she was very warm in denunciation of the continual encroachments on the royal prerogatives. Dumouriez reminded her of the necessity of the king observing the constitution. Marie Antoinette, not expecting this plain speaking, grew more angry. Dumouriez paid her some compliments on the nobility of her character, and declared that those traits of her nature had made him her firm friend. For that cause, he was anxious to maintain a good understanding betwixt the king and the people; but that, if he was in any way an obstacle to her plans, she had only to say so, and he would instantly resign. This candour appeased her, and she conversed calmly and freely on the affairs of the day. But the councils of those around, and the infamous papers continually issued by Marat and the jacobins, soon drove her into measures contrary to Dumouriez' advice.

Just at this crisis died Leopold of Austria, and was succeeded by his nephew, Francis II.; and war became more inevitable, for Francis had not the same pacific disposition as Leopold, and the Gironde was bent on war. The internal condition of France also seemed to indicate that there must soon be war abroad or civil war at home. The ministers were soon at variance; the jacobins and Girondists were coming to an open and desperate feud; the people, both in Paris and all over the country, were excited by the jacobin publications to the utmost pitch of fury against the royalists and the priests. The more they were menaced by the royalists on the frontiers, the more they became rabid against the royalists who remained at home. In Paris, Brissot insisted that every man should be armed with pikes, and that the bonnet-rouge, or red nightcap, on which the tricolour cockade was displayed, should be universally worn, as the true emblem of liberty. Members of assembly imme diately assumed this badge; Dumouriez went to the jacobin club and put it on, and, when upbraided for this as a minister by the king and court, he replied that it was merely to keep the people in good humour. The dames de la Halle appeared at the assembly, announced that they had formed themselves into an amazonian brigade, and demanded pikes, that they might manoeuvre in the Champ de Mars in their red nightcaps. The women of the Faubourg St. Antoine appeared already armed with pikes, to assert their patriotism.

The king, alarmed at this universal arming of the people, sent for Petion, the mayor, and requested him to take measures for putting an end to this dangerous state of things. Petion promised, but contented himself with issuing an order

A.D. 1792].

THE GUILLOTINE ORDERED TO BE USED.

that the people should not appear in the streets armed, and of this order no notice was taken. Throughout all France similar demonstrations were making, and the people, in many places, did not content themselves with arming-they proceeded to frightful outrages. We have mentioned those at Avignon, under the leadership of the infamous Jourdan. Similar atrocities were reported from other quarters, and a deputation from Marseilles, headed by Charles Barbarouxwhose handsome person turned all the heads of the ladies, including that of madame Roland-declared that the people of Marseilles, armed with pikes, were ready to march to Paris, and assist the jacobin club in exterminating all internal tyrants. Joseph Ignace Guillotin, at this crisis, recommended to the assembly the instrument for cutting off by wholesale the heads of their enemies, which became known by his own name. This notorious machine was approved of by the assembly, and ordered, by a special decree of the 20th of March of this year, to be universally used. The Girondists, 80 many of whom fell under its axe, were as unanimous for the guillotine as the most ultra-jacobins, and thus all the revolutionists were already looking forward to the destruction of those who did not agree with them. Matters were fast ripening. After all, the guillotine was no original invention at this period. An instrument of precisely the same construction was in use in this country in the time of Edward III. It was of very ancient use on the continent, in Germany, Bohemia, and Italy, and was introduced into Scotland, under the name of "The Maiden," in 1578. The Halifax maiden was also well known. The tradition in Scotland is, that the regent Morton, who introduced the maiden, was the first to suffer by it; but Dr. Guillotin did not experience the same fate from his revival of this ancient machine. He died quietly in his bed, in 1814. He was proud of the engine, saying, that through it his name would live in history.

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proclaimed by the journals of Marat, Desmoulins, Collot D'Herbois, and the rest. The Girondists saw, to their consternation, that, though they were nominally in power, there was a still more terrible power possessed by this persevering man, who knew how at once to oppose the mob, and yet to flatter and fascinate them.

Whilst the Gironde was thus weakened by this implacable and incurable feud with the jacobins, Austria was making unmistakable signs of preparation for that war which Leopold had often threatened, but never commenced. Francis received deputations from the emigrant princes, ordered the concentration of troops in Flanders, and spoke in so firm a tone of restoring Louis and the old system of things, that the French ambassador at Vienna, M. De Noailles, sent in his resignation to Dumouriez, saying that he despaired of inducing the emperor to listen to the language which had been dictated to him. Two days after, however, Noailles recalled his resignation, saying he had obtained the categorical answer demanded of the court of Vienna. This was sent in a dispatch from baron Von Cobenzel, the foreign minister of Austria. In this document, which was tantamount to a declaration of war, the court of Vienna declared that it would listen to no terms on behalf of the king of France, except his entire restoration to all the ancient rights of his throne, according to the royal declaration of the 23rd of June, 1789; to the restoration of the domains in Alsace, with all their feudal rights, to the princes of the empire. Moreover, prince Kaunitz, the chief minister of Francis, announced his determination to hold no correspondence with the government which had usurped authority in France.

Dumouriez advised the king to communicate this note to the assembly without a moment's delay. There was an immediate dissension in the royal council; Clavieres and Roland took one view, and Dumouriez, De Grave, Lacoste, and Duranthon, another. This was the first commencement of the division in the Gironde ministry, which quickly destroyed it. Dumouriez proceeded with the king, followed by the rest of the ministers, and a number of courtiers, on the 20th of April to make that announcement which was to decide the fate of France and of Europe. Roland and the more determined Girondists had recommended that the king should himself make the declaration of war; but as the war itself was most repugnant to the king, Dumouriez had advised that he should only consult with the assembly on the necessity of this declaration, and thus throw the responsibility on that body. There had been the division of opinion amongst ministers, and now Dumouriez read a detailed account of the negotiations with Austria, and then Louis, who looked jaded and anxious, stated that he had followed the recommendations of the assembly, and of many of his

Work for the guillotine was fast preparing. The Gironde party, incensed at the constant opposition of Robespierre and his party, and at his evident increase of popularity, notwithstanding his opposition to the war, and his opposition to atheism for this sanguinary man dared to denounce war in the jacobin club, and in a journal which he had now established, called "The Defender of the Constitution," though in reality it laboured to destroy the constitution, and the Gironde now determined to denounce him. Brissot, Condorcet, and Guadet were to lead the attack; but Robespierre was soon apprised of the plot, and instantly took the initiative himself. He set on Collot D'Herbois to denounce Condorcet and Roederer, whilst he and Tallien denounced Brissot and Guadet. They declared that the jacobin society wanted purging; that these members were in league with Barnave, La Fayette, and the Lameths to betray the constitution to the court. Chabot joined in declaring that Narbonne, the ex-subjects, in various parts of France, in these negotiations, minister of war, was also scheming to play the Cromwell in France, and was actively supported by madame de Staël and madame Condorcet; that they had already seduced the bishop of Calvados, Fauchet, and were secretly supported by the Girondists. On the 25th of April Brissot and Guadet retaliated by a desperate attack on Robespierre and his friends, but they were signally defeated; Robespierre was triumphantly supported by the club, and his victory was

and, as they had heard the results, he put it to the assembly whether they could any longer submit to see the dignity of the French people insulted, and the national security threatened. The speech was received with loud acclamations and cries of "Vive le Roi!" The president said they would deliberate, and the result was that a decree was passed resolving upon war. This resolve the assembly justified by the declaration that the emperor of Austria had concerted with

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